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of  tbe 

of  Toronto 

Bertram  1R.  2>avis 

from  tbe  books  of 

tbe  late  Xionel  Davis,  1R*<L 


Edited   by  GEORGE    M.   WRONG    and    H.  H.   LANGTON 

t  */  ,  f 














By  Stephen  Leacock. 


By  Stephen  Leacock. 


By  Charles  W.  Colby. 


By  J.  Edgar  Middleton. 


By  W.  Bennett  Munro. 


By  Thomas  Chapais. 


By  Charles  W.  Colby. 


By  William  Wood. 


By  Arthur  G.  Doughty. 

By  William  Wood. 


By  William  Wood. 

The  volumes  marked  with  an  asterisk  are  in  preparation. 
The  others  are  published. 


12.  THE  INVASION  OF  1775  * 

By  C.  Frederick  Hamilton. 

13.  BATTLEFIELDS  OF  1812-14  * 

By  William  Wood. 



By  Thomas  Guthrie  Marquis. 



By  Louis  Aubrey  Wood. 



By  Ethel  T.  Raymond. 



By  Agnes  C.  Laut. 



By  Lawrence  J.  Burpee. 

By  Agnes  C.  Laut. 


By  Stephen  Leacock. 


By  W.  Stewart  Wallace. 


By  Louis  Aubrey  Wood. 


By  Agnes  C.  Laut. 












24.  THE  '  FAMILY  COMPACT'  * 

By  W.  Stewart  Wallace. 

25.  THE     REBELLION     IN     LOWER 


By  A.  D.  DeCelles. 

PART  vn 




By  William  L.  Grant. 

27.  THE     WINNING     OF     POPULAR 


By  Archibald  MacMechan. 



By  Sir  Joseph  Pope. 


By  Sir  Joseph  Pope. 


By  Oscar  D.  Skelton. 



By  William  Wood. 


By  Oscar  D.  Skelton. 




After  the  original  painting  owned  by  the  Marquis  de  Montcalm 


A  Chronicle  of  Montcalm 





Copyright  in  all  Countries  subscribing  to 
the  Berne  Convention 

50  fog 

M  G  W 


J.,G.,  E.,AND  H.  LAIRD 



II.  MONTCALM  IN  CANADA          ....  14 


IV.  FORT  WILLIAM  HENRY         ....  44 


VII.  THE  PLAINS  OF  ABRAHAM    .  .  .  .120 

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTE       .  .  .  .143 

INDEX.  .  .  .      145 



MONTCALM Frontispiece 

After    the     original    painting    owned     by    the 
Marquis  de  Montcalm. 

MAP  OF  NORTH  AMERICA,  1755-60        .  .  Facing  page  14 

VAUDREUIL »          26 

From  the  painting  in  the  Chateau  de  Ramezay. 


AND  ONTARIO,  1756  34 



LEVIS ,,70 

From  the  painting  in  the  Versailles  Gallery. 



PLAN  OF  THE  SIEGE  OF  QUEBEC,  1759        •  >,         "° 

COMTE  DE  BOUGAINVILLE         .  .  .  ,,128 

From  Doughty 's  '  Siege  of  Quebec.' 



'  WAR  is  the  grave  of  the  Montcalms.'  No 
one  can  tell  how  old  this  famous  saying  is. 
Perhaps  it  is  as  old  as  France  herself.  Cer- 
tainly there  never  was  a  time  when  the  men 
of  the  great  family  of  Montcalm-Gozon  were 
not  ready  to  fight  for  their  king  and  country ; 
and  so  Montcalm,  like  Wolfe,  was  a  soldier 

Even  in  the  Crusades  his  ancestors  were 
famous  all  over  Europe.  When  the  Christians 
of  those  brave  days  were  trying  to  drive  the 
unbelievers  out  of  Palestine  they  gladly 
followed  leaders  whom  they  thought  saintly 
and  heroic  enough  to  be  their  champions 
against  the  dragons  of  sultan,  satan,  and  hell ; 
for  people  then  believed  that  dragons  fought 
on  the  devil's  side,  and  that  only  Christian 
knights,  like  St  George,  fighting  on  God's 
side,  could  kill  them.  The  Christians  banded 



themselves  together  in  many  ways,  among 
others  in  the  Order  of  the  Knights  of  St  John 
of  Jerusalem,  taking  an  oath  to  be  faithful 
unto  death.  They  chose  the  best  man  among 
them  to  be  their  Grand  Master ;  and  so  it  could 
have  been  only  after  much  devoted  service 
that  Deodat  de  Gozon  became  Grand  Master, 
more  than  five  hundred  years  ago,  and  was 
granted  the  right  of  bearing  the  conquered 
Dragon  of  Rhodes  on  the  family  coat  of  arms, 
where  it  is  still  to  be  seen.  How  often  this 
glorious  badge  of  victory  reminded  our  own 
Montcalm  of  noble  deeds  and  noble  men ! 
How  often  it  nerved  him  to  uphold  the  family 
tradition ! 

There  are  centuries  of  change  between 
Crusaders  and  Canadians.  Yet  the  Mont- 
calms  can  bridge  them  with  their  honour. 
And,  among  all  the  Montcalms  who  made 
their  name  mean  soldier's  honour  in  Eastern 
or  European  war,  none  have  given  it  so 
high  a  place  in  the  world's  history  as  the 
hero  whose  life  and  death  in  Canada  made  it 
immortal.  He  won  the  supreme  glory  for  his 
name,  a  glory  so  bright  that  it  shone  even 
through  the  dust  of  death  which  shrouded  the 
France  of  the  Revolution.  In  1790,  when 
the  National  Assembly  was  suppressing 


pensions  granted  by  the  Crown,  it  made  a 
special  exception  in  favour  of  Montcalm's 
children.  As  kings,  marquises,  heirs,  and 
pensions  were  among  the  things  the  Revolu- 
tion hated  most,  it  is  a  notable  tribute  to  our 
Marquis  of  Montcalm  that  the  revolutionary 
parliament  should  have  paid  to  his  heirs  the 
pension  granted  by  a  king.  Nor  has  another 
century  of  change  in  France  blotted  out  his 
name  and  fame.  The  Montcalm  was  the  French 
flagship  at  the  naval  review  held  in  honour 
of  the  coronation  of  King  Edward  VII.  The 
Montcalm  took  the  President  of  France  to  greet 
his  ally  the  Czar  of  Russia.  And,  but  for  a 
call  of  duty  elsewhere  at  the  time,  the  Montcalm 
would  have  flown  the  French  admiral's  flag 
in  1908,  at  the  celebration  of  the  Tercen- 
tenary of  the  founding  of  Quebec,  when  King 
George  V  led  the  French-  and  English-speaking 
peoples  of  the  world  in  doing  honour  to  the 
twin  renown  of  Wolfe  and  Montcalm  on  the 
field  where  they  won  equal  glory,  though  un- 
equal fortune. 

Montcalm  was  a  leap-year  baby,  having 
been  born  on  February  29,  1712,  in  the 
family  castle  of  Candiac,  near  Nimes,  a  very 
old  city  of  the  south  of  France,  a  city  with 
many  forts  built  by  the  Romans  two  thousand 


years  ago.  He  came  by  almost  as  much  good 
soldier  blood  on  his  mother's  side  as  on  his 
father's,  for  she  was  one  of  the  Castellanes, 
with  numbers  of  heroic  ancestors,  extending 
back  to  the  First  Crusade. 

The  Montcalms  had  never  been  rich.  They 
had  many  heroes  but  no  millionaires.  Yet 
they  were  well  known  and  well  loved  for  their 
kindness  to  all  the  people  on  their  estates  ;  and 
so  generous  to  every  one  in  trouble,  and  so 
ready  to  spend  their  money  as  well  as  their 
lives  for  the  sake  of  king  and  country,  that 
they  never  could  have  made  great  fortunes, 
even  had  their  estate  been  ten  times  as  large  as 
it  was.  Accordingly,  while  they  were  famous 
and  honoured  all  over  France,  they  had  to  be 
very  careful  about  spending  money  on  them- 
selves. They  all — and  our  own  Montcalm  in 
particular — spent  much  more  in  serving  their 
country  than  their  country  ever  spent  in  paying 
them  to  serve  it. 

Montcalm  was  a  delicate  little  boy  of  six 
when  he  first  went  to  school.  He  had  many 
schoolboy  faults.  He  found  it  hard  to  keep 
quiet  or  to  pay  attention  to  his  teacher  ;  he 
was  backward  in  French  grammar  ;  and  he 
wrote  a  very  bad  hand.  Many  a  letter  of  com- 
plaint was  sent  to  his  father.  '  It  seems  to 


me,'  writes  the  teacher,  '  that  his  handwriting 
is  getting  worse  than  ever.  I  show  him,  again 
and  again,  how  to  hold  his  pen  ;  but  he  will 
not  do  it  properly.  I  think  rn  ought  to  try 
to  make  up  for  his  want  of  cleverness  by  being 
more  docile,  taking  more  pains,  and  listening 
to  my  advice.1  And  then  poor  old  Dumas  would 
end  with  an  exclamation  of  despair — '  What 
will  become  of  him  !  ' 

Dumas  had  another  pupil  who  was  much 
more  to  his  taste.  This  was  Montcalm's 
younger  brother,  Jean,  who  knew  his  letters 
before  he  was  three,  read  Latin  when  he  was 
five,  and  Greek  and  Hebrew  when  he  was  six. 
Dumas  was  so  proud  of  this  infant  prodigy 
that  he  took  him  to  Paris  and  showed  him 
off  to  the  learned  men  of  the  day,  who  were 
dumbfounded  at  so  much  knowledge  in  so 
young  a  boy.  All  this,  however,  was  too  much 
for  a  youthful  brain  ;  and  poor  Jean  died  at 
the  age  of  seven. 

Dumas  then  turned  sadly  to  the  elder  boy 
who  was  in  no  danger  of  being  killed  by  too 
much  study,  and  soon  renewed  his  complaints. 
At  last  Montcalm,  now  sixteen  and  already  an 
officer,  could  bear  it  no  longer,  and  wrote  to 
his  father  telling  him  that  in  spite  of  his  sup- 
posed stupidity  he  had  serious  aims.  '  I  want 


to  be,  first,  a  man  of  honour,  brave,  and  a  good 
Christian.  Secondly,  I  want  to  read  moder- 
ately ;  to  know  as  much  Greek  and  Latin 
as  other  men  ;  also  arithmetic,  history,  geo- 
graphy, literature,  and  some  art  and  science. 
Thirdly,  I  want  to  be  obedient  to  you  and  my 
dear  mother,  and  listen  to  Mr  Dumas's  advice. 
Lastly,  I  want  to  manage  a  horse  and  handle 
a  sword  as  well  as  ever  I  can/  The  result  of 
it  all  was  that  Montcalm  became  a  good  Latin 
scholar,  a  very  well  read  man,  an  excellent 
horseman  and  swordsman,  and — to  poor  old 
Dumas's  eternal  confusion — such  a  master  of 
French  that  he  might  have  been  as  great  an 
author  as  he  was  a  soldier.  His  letters  and 
dispatches  from  the  seat  of  war  remind  one  of 
Caesar's.  He  wrote  like  a  man  who  sees  into 
the  heart  of  things  and  goes  straight  to  the 
point  with  the  fewest  words  which  will  express 
exactly  what  he  wishes  to  say.  /In  this  he 
was  like  Wolfe,  and  like  many  another  great 
soldier  whose  quick  eye,  cool  head  and  warm 
heart,  all  working  together  in  the  service  of 
his  country,  give  him  a  command  over  words 
which  often  equals  his  command  over  men/ 

In  1727,  the  year  Wolfe  was  born,  Montcalm 
'oined  his  father's  regiment  as  an  ensign. 
Presently,  in  1733,  the  French  and  Germans 


fell  out  over  the  naming  of  a  king  for  Poland. 
Montcalm  went  to  the  front  and  had  what 
French  soldiers  call  his  *  baptism  of  fire.' 
This  war  gave  him  little  chance  of  learning 
how  great  battles  should  be  fought.  But  he 
saw  two  sieges  ;  he  kept  his  eyes  open  to  every- 
thing that  happened ;  and,  even  in  camp,  he 
did  not  forget  his  studies.  '  I  am  learning 
German,'  he  wrote  home,  '  and  I  am  reading 
more  Greek  than  I  have  read  for  three  or 
four  years.' 

The  death  of  his  father  in  1735  made 
him  the  head  of  the  family  of  Montcalm. 
The  next  year  he  married  Angelique  Talon 
du  Boulay,  a  member  of  a  military  family, 
and  grand-daughter  of  Denis  Talon,  a  kinsman 
of  Jean  Talon,  the  best  intendant  who  ever 
served  New  France.  For  the  next  twenty 
years,  from  1736  to  1756,  he  spent  in  his  an- 
cestral castle  of  Candiac  as  much  of  his  time 
as  he  could  spare  from  the  army.  There  he 
had  been  born,  and  there  he  always  hoped  he 
could  live  and  die  among  his  own  people  after 
his  wars  were  over.  How  often  he  was  to 
sigh  for  one  look  at  his  pleasant  olive  groves 
when  he  was  far  away,  upholding  the  honour 
of  France  against  great  British  odds  and,  far 
worse,  against  secret  enemies  on  the  French 


side  in  the  dying  colony  across  the  sea  !  But 
for  the  present  all  this  was  far  off.  Meanwhile, 
Candiac  was  a  very  happy  home;  and  Mont- 
calm's  wife  and  his  mother  made  it  the  happier 
by  living  together  under  the  same  roof.  In 
course  of  time  ten  children  were  born,  all  in 
his  beloved  home. 

Montcalm's  second  war  was  the  War  of  the 
Austrian  Succession,  a  war  in  which  his  younger 
opponent  Wolfe  saw  active  service  for  the 
first  time.  The  two  future  opponents  in 
Canada  never  met,  however,  on  the  same 
battlefields  in  Europe.  In  1741,  the  year  in 
which  Wolfe  received  his  first  commission, 
Montcalm  fought  so  well  in  Bohemia  that  he 
was  made  a  Knight  of  St  Louis.  Two  years 
later,  at  the  age  of  thirty-one,  he  was  pro- 
moted to  the  command  of  a  regiment  which 
he  led  through  three  severe  campaigns  in 
Italy.  During  the  third  campaign,  in  1746, 
there  was  a  terrific  fight  against  the  Austrians 
under  the  walls  of  Placentia.  So  furious  was 
the  Austrian  attack  that  the  French  army 
was  almost  destroyed.  Twice  was  Montcalm 's 
regiment  broken  by  sheer  weight  of  numbers. 
But  twice  he  rallied  it  and  turned  to  face 
the  enemy  again.  The  third  attack  was  the 
worst  of  all.  Montcalm  still  fought  on,  though 


already  he  had  three  bullet  wounds,  when  the 
Austrian  cavalry  made  a  dashing  charge  and 
swept  the  French  off  the  field  altogether. 
He  met  them,  sword  in  hand,  as  dauntless 
as  ever;  but  he  was  caught  in  a  whirlwind 
of  sabre-cuts  and  was  felled  to  the  ground 
with  two  great  gashes  in  his  head.  He  was 
taken  prisoner;  but  was  soon  allowed  to  go 
home,  on  giving  his  word  of  honour,  or 
*  parole/  that  he  would  take  no  further  part 
in  the  war  until  some  Austrian  prisoner,  of 
the  same  rank  as  his  own,  was  given  back 
by  the  French  in  exchange.  While  still  on 
parole  he  was  promoted  to  be  a  brigadier,  so 
that  he  could  command  more  than  a  single 
regiment.  In  due  time,  when  proper  exchange 
of  prisoners  was  made,  Montcalm  went  back 
to  Italy,  again  fought  splendidly,  and  again 
was  badly  wounded.  The  year  1748  closed 
with  the  Treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle ;  and  seven 
years  of  peace  followed  before  the  renewed 
tumult  of  the  Seven  Years'  War. 

Life  went  very  well  with  Montcalm  at 
Candiac.  He  was  there  as  much  as  possible, 
and  spent  his  time  between  his  castle  and  his 
olive  groves,  his  study  and  his  family  circle. 
His  eldest  son  was  a  young  man  of  much 
promise,  growing  immensely  tall,  devoted  to 


the  army,  and  engaged  to  be  married.  His 
wife  and  her  mother-in-law  were  as  happy  as 
ever  with  him  and  with  each  other.  Nothing 
seemed  more  peaceful  than  that  quiet  corner  in 
the  pleasant  land  of  southern  France. 

But  the  age-long  rivalry  of  French  and 
British  could  not  long  be  stilled.  Even  in 
1754  there  were  rumours  of  war  from  the  Far 
East  in  India  and  from  the  Far  West  in  Canada. 
Next  year,  though  peace  was  outwardly  kept 
in  Europe,  both  the  great  rivals  sent  fleets  and 
armies  to  America,  where  the  clash  of  arms 
had  already  been  heard.  There  were  losses  on 
both  sides.  And,  when  the  French  general, 
Baron  Dieskau,  was  made  prisoner,  the  minister 
of  War,  knowing  the  worth  of  Montcalm,  asked 
him  to  think  over  the  proposal  that  he  should 
take  command  in  New  France. 

On  January  26,  1756,  the  formal  offer 
came  in  a  letter  approved  by  the  king.  '  The 
king  has  chosen  you  to  command  his  troops 
in  North  America,  and  will  honour  you  on 
your  departure  with  the  rank  of  major-general. 
But  what  will  please  you  still  more  is  that  His 
Majesty  will  put  your  son  in  your  place  at  the 
head  of  your  present  regiment.  The  applause 
of  the  public  will  add  to  your  satisfaction.' 

On  the  very  day  Montcalm  received  this 


letter  he  made  up  his  mind,  accepted  the  com- 
mand, bade  good-bye  to  Candiac,  and  set  out 
for  Paris.  From  Lyons  he  wrote  to  his 
mother :  '  I  am  reading  with  much  pleasure 
the  History  of  New  France  by  Father 
Charlevoix.  He  gives  a  pleasant  description 
of  Quebec.'  From  Paris  he  wrote  to  his  wife  : 
*  Do  not  expect  any  long  letter  before  the  ist  of 
March.  All  my  pressing  work  will  then  be 
finished,  and  I  shall  be  able  to  breathe  once 
more.  Last  night  I  came  from  Versailles  and 
I  am  going  back  to-morrow.  My  outfit  will 
cost  me  a  thousand  crowns  more  than  the 
amount  I  am  paid  to  cover  it.  But  I  cannot 
stop  for  that.'  On  March  15  he  wrote  home: 
'  Yesterday  I  presented  my  son,  with  whom  I 
am  very  well  pleased,  to  all  the  royal  family.' 
Three  days  later  he  wrote  to  his  wife  :  '  I  shall 
be  at  Brest  on  the  twenty-first.  My  son  has 
been  here  since  yesterday,  for  me  to  coach  him 
and  also  in  order  to  get  his  uniform  properly 
made.  He  will  thank  the  king  for  his  pro- 
motion at  the  same  time  that  I  make  my 
adieux  in  my  embroidered  coat.  Perhaps  I 
shall  leave  some  debts  behind  me.  I  wait  im- 
patiently for  the  accounts.  You  have  my  will. 
I  wish  you  would  have  it  copied,  and  would 
send  me  the  duplicate  before  I  sail.' 


On  April  3  Montcalm  left  Brest  in  the 
Licorne,  a  ship  of  the  little  fleet  which  the 
French  were  hurrying  out  to  Canada  before 
war  should  be  declared  in  Europe.  The 
passage  proved  long  and  stormy.  But  Mont- 
calm  was  lucky  in  being  a  much  better  sailor 
than  poor  sea-sick  Wolfe.  Impatient  to 
reach  the  capital  at  the  earliest  possible 
moment  he  rowed  ashore  from  below  the 
island  of  Orleans,  where  the  Licorne  met  a 
contrary  wind,  and  drove  up  to  Quebec,  a 
distance  of  twenty-five  miles.  It  was  May 

13  when    he   first    passed   along    the   Beau- 
port  shore  between  Montmorency  and  Quebec. 
Three  years  and  nine  days  later  he  was  to 
come  back  tp  that  very  point,  there  to  make 
his  last  heroic  stand. 

On  the  evening  of  his  arrival  Bigot  the  in- 
tendant  gave  a  magnificent  dinner-party  for 
him.  Forty  guests  sat  down  to  the  banquet. 
Montcalm  had  not  expected  that  the  poor 
struggling  colony  could  boast  such  a  scene  as 
this.  In  a  letter  home  he  said  :  '  Even  a 
Parisian  would  have  been  astonished  at  the 
profusion  of  good  things  on  the  table.  Such 
splendour  and  good  cheer  show  how  much 
the  intendant's  place  is  worth.'  We  shall 
soon  hear  more  of  Bigot  the  intendant. 


On  the  26th  Montcalm  arrived  at  Montreal 
to  see  the  Marquis  of  Vaudreuil  the  governor. 
The  meeting  went  off  very  well.  The 
governor  was  as  full  of  airs  and  graces  as 
the  intendant,  and  said  that  nothing  else  in 
the  world  could  have  given  him  so  much 
pleasure  as  to  greet  the  general  sent  out  to 
take  command  of  the  troops  from  France. 
We  shall  soon  hear  more  of  Vaudreuil  the 



THE  French  colonies  in  North  America  con- 
sisted of  nothing  more  than  two  very  long  and 
very  thin  lines  of  scattered  posts  and  settle- 
ments, running  up  the  St  Lawrence  and  the 
Mississippi  to  meet,  in  the  far  interior,  at  the 
Great  Lakes.  Along  the  whole  of  these  four 
thousand  miles  there  were  not  one  hundred 
thousand  people.  Only  two  parts  of  the 
country  were  really  settled  at  all :  one  Acadia, 
the  other  the  shores  of  the  St  Lawrence  be- 
tween Bic  and  Montreal ;  and  both  regions 
together  covered  not  more  than  four  hundred 
of  the  whole  four  thousand  miles.  There  were 
but  three  considerable  towns  —  Louisbourg, 
Quebec,  and  Montreal  —  and  Quebec,  which 
was  much  the  largest,  had  only  twelve  thousand 

The  territory  bordering  on  the  Mississippi 
was  called  Louisiana.   That  in  the  St  Lawrence 


region  was  called  New  France  along  the  river 
and  Acadia  down  by  the  Gulf ;  though  Canada 
is  much  the  best  word  to  cover  both.  Now, 
Canada  had  ten  times  as  many  people  as 
Louisiana ;  and  Louisiana  by  itself  seemed 
helplessly  weak.  It  was  this  very  weakness 
which  made  the  French  so  keen  about  the 
country  south  of  the  Lakes,  where  Canada 
and  Louisiana  met.  For,  as  long  as  they  held 
it,  they  held  the  gateways  of  the  West,  kept 
the  valleys  of  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  quite 
securely,  shut  up  the  British  colonies  between 
the  Alleghany  Mountains  and  the  Atlantic, 
and  prevented  them  from  expanding  westward. 
One  other  thing  was  even  more  vital  than  this 
to  the  French  in  America :  it  was  that  they 
should  continue  to  hold  the  mouth  of  the  St 
Lawrence.  Canada  could  live  only  by  getting 
help  from  France  ;  and  as  this  help  could  not 
come  up  the  Mississippi  it  had  to  come  up  the 
St  Lawrence. 

The  general  position  of  the  French  may  be 
summed  up  briefly.  First,  and  most  im- 
portant of  all,  they  had  to  hold  the  line  of 
the  St  Lawrence  for  a  thousand  miles  in 
from  the  sea.  Here  were  their  three  chief 
positions:  Louisbourg,  Quebec,  and  Lake 


Secondly,  they  had  to  hold  another  thousand 
miles  westward,  to  and  across  the  Lakes  ;  but 
especially  the  country  south  of  Lakes  Ontario 
and  Erie,  into  the  valley  of  the  Ohio.  Here 
there  were  a  few  forts,  but  no  settlements 
worth  speaking  of. 

Thirdly,  they  had  to  hold  the  valley  of  the 
Mississippi,  two  thousand  miles  from  north  to 
south.  Here  there  were  very  few  forts,  very 
few  men,  and  no  settlements  of  any  kind. 
In  fact,  they  held  the  Mississippi  only  by  the 
merest  thread,  and  chiefly  because  the  British 
colonies  had  not  yet  grown  out  in  that  direc- 
tion. The  Mississippi  did  not  come  into  the  war, 
though  it  might  have  done  so.  If  Montcalm 
had  survived  the  battle  of  the  Plains,  and  if  in 
1760  the  defence  of  Canada  on  the  St  Lawrence 
had  seemed  to  him  utterly  hopeless,  his  plan 
would  probably  then  have  been  to  take  his  best 
soldiers  from  Canada  into  the  interior,  and  in 
the  end  to  New  Orleans,  there  to  make  a  last 
desperate  stand  for  France  among  the  swamps. 
But  this  plan  died  with  him  ;  and  we  may  leave 
the  valley  of  the  Mississippi  out  of  our  reckon- 
ing altogether. 

Not  so  the  valley  of  the  Ohio,  which,  as  we 
have  seen,  was  the  meeting-place  of  Canada 
and  Louisiana,  and  the  chief  gateway  to  the 


West ;  and  which  the  French  and  British 
rivals  were  both  most  fiercely  set  on  possess- 
ing. It  was  here  that  the  world-wide  Seven 
Years'  War  first  broke  out ;  here  that  George 
Washington  first  appeared  as  an  American 
commander ;  here  that  Braddock  led  the 
first  westbound  British  army ;  and  here  that 
Montcalm  struck  his  first  blow  for  French 

But,  as  we  have  also  seen,  even  the  valley  of 
the  Ohio  was  less  important  than  the  line  of 
the  St  Lawrence.  The  Ohio  region  was  cer- 
tainly the  right  arm  of  French  America.  But 
the  St  Lawrence  was  the  body,  of  which  the 
lungs  were  Louisbourg,  and  the  head  and 
heart  Quebec.  Montcalm  saw  this  at  once  ; 
and  he  made  no  single  mistake  in  choosing 
the  proper  kind  of  attack  and  defence  during 
the  whole  of  his  four  campaigns. 

The  British  colonies  were  different  in  every 
way  from  the  French.  The  French  held  a 
long,  thin  line  of  four  thousand  miles,  forming 
an  inland  loop  from  the  Gulf  of  St  Lawrence 
to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  with  only  one  hundred 
thousand  people  sparsely  settled  in  certain 
spots;  the  British  filled  up  the  solid  inside  of 
this  loop  with  over  twelve  hundred  thousand 
people,  who  had  an  open  seaboard  on  the 



Atlantic  for  two  thousand  miles,  from  Nova 
Scotia  down  to  Florida. 

Now,  what  could  have  made  such  a  great 
difference  in  growth  between  the  French  and 
the  British  colonies,  when  France  had  begun 
/  with  all  the  odds  of  European  force  and 
numbers  in  her  favour  ?  The  answer  is  two- 
fold: France  had  no  adequate  fleets  and  her 
colonies  had  no  adequate  freedom. 

First,  as  to  fleets.  The  mere  fact  that  the 
Old  and  New  Worlds  had  a  sea  between  them 
meant  that  the  power  with  the  best  navy  would 
have  a  great  advantage.  The  Portuguese, 
Spaniards,  Dutch,  and  French  all  tried  to  build 
empires  across  the  sea.  But  they  all  failed 
whenever  they  came  to  blows  with  Britain, 
simply  because  no  empire  can  live  cut  up  into 
separate  parts.  The  sea  divided  the  other 
empires,  while,  strange  as  it  may  appear,  this 
same  sea  united  the  British.  The  French  were 
a  nation  of  landsmen,  for  one  very  good  reason 
that  they  had  two-land  frontiers  tojefend.  Their 
kings  and  statesmen  understood  armies  better 
than  navies,  and  the  French  people  themselves 
liked  soldiers  better  than  sailors.  The  British, 
on  the  other  hand,  since  they  lived  on  an 
island,  had  no  land  frontiers  to  defend.  The 
people  liked  sailors  better  than  soldiers.  And 


their  rulers  understood  navies  better  than 
armies,  for  the  sea  had  always  been  the 
people's  second  home. 

At  this  period,  whenever  war  broke  out,  the 
British  navy  was  soon  able  to  win  *  the  com- 
mand of  the  sea ' ;  that  is,  its  squadrons  soon 
made  the  sea  a  safe  road  for  British  ships  and 
a  very  unsafe  road  for  the  ships  of  an  enemy. 
In  America,  at  that  time,  everything  used  in 
war,  from  the  regular  fleets  and  armies  them- 
selves down  to  the  powder  and  shot,  cannon 
and  muskets,  swords  and  bayonets,  tools,  tents, 
and  so  on — all  had  to  be  brought  across  the 
Atlantic.  While  this  was  well  enough  for 
the  British,  for  the  French  it  was  always  very 
hard  and  risky  work.  In  time  of  war  their 
ships  were  watched,  chased  and  taken  whenever 
they  appeared  on  the  sea.  Even  during  peace 
they  had  much  the  worse  of  it,  for  they  had  to 
spend  great  sums  and  much  effort  in  building 
vessels  to  make  up  for  the  men  of-war  and 
the  merchant  ships  which  they  had  lost  and 
the  British  had  won.  Thus  they  never  quite 
succeeded  in  beginning  again  on  even  terms 
with  their  triumphant  rival. 

We  must  remember,  too,  that  every  sort  of 
trade  and  money-making  depended  on  the 
command  of  the  sea,  which  itself  depended 


on  the  stronger  navy.  Even  the  trade  with 
Indians  in  America,  two  thousand  miles  inland, 
depended  on  defeat  or  victory  at  sea.  The 
[French  might  send  out  ships  full  of  things  to 
{exchange  for  valuable  furs.  But  if  they  lost 
their  ships  they  lost  their  goods,  and  in  conse- 
quence the  trade  and  even  the  friendship  of  the 
Indians.  In  the  same  way  the  navy  helped 
or  hindered  the  return  trade  from  America  to 
Europe.  The  furs  and  food  from  the  British 
colonies  crossed  over  in  safety,  and  the  money 
or  other  goods  in  exchange  came  safely  back. 
But  the  French  ships  were  not  safe,  and  French 
merchants  were  often  ruined  by  the  capture  of 
their  ships  or  by  having  the  sea  closed  to  them. 

To  follow  out  all  the  causes  and  effects  of 
the  command  of  the  sea  would  be  far  too  long 
a  story  even  to  begin  here.  But  the  gist  of 
it  is  quite  short  and  quite  plain :  no  Navy,  no 
Empire.  That  is  what  it  meant  then,  and  that 
is  what  it  means  now. 

Secondly,  as  to  freedom  in  the  French 
colonies.  Of  course,  freedom  itself,  no  matter 
how  good  it  is  and  how  much  we  love  it,  would 
have  been  nothing  without  the  protection  of 
fleets.  All  the  freedom  in  the  world  cannot 
hold  two  countries  on  opposite  sides  of  the  sea 
together  without  the  link  of  strong  fleets.  But 


even  the  strongest  fleet  would  not  have  helped 
New  France  to  grow  as  fast  and  as  well  as  New 
England  grew.  The  French  people  were  not 
free  in  the  motherland.  They  were  not  free 
as  colonists  in  Canada.  All  kinds  of  laws  and 
rules  were  made  for  the  Canadians  by  persons 
thousands  of  miles  away.  This  interference 
came  from  men  who  knew  scarcely  anything 
about  Canada.  They  had  crude  notions  as 
to  what  should  be  done,  and  sometimes  they 
ordered  the  men  on  the  spot  to  do  impossible 
things.  The  result  was  that  the  men  on  the 
spot,  if  they  were  bad  enough  and  clever 
enough,  just  hoodwinked  the  government  in 
France,  and  did  in  Canada  what  they  liked 
and  what  made  for  their  own  profit. 

Now,  Bigot  the  intendant,  the  man  of  affairs 
in  the  colony,  was  on  the  spot ;  and  he 
was  one  of  the  cleverest  knaves  ever  known, 
with  a  feeble  colony  in  his  power.  He  had 
nothing  to  fear  from  the  people,  the  poor, 
helpless  French  Canadians.  He  had  nothing 
to  fear  from  their  governor,  the  vain,  incom- 
petent Vaudreuil.  He  was,  moreover,  three 
thousand  miles  away  from  the  French  court, 
which  was  itself  full  of  parasites.  He  had  been 
given  great  power  in  Canada.  As  intendant 
he  was  the  head  of  everything  except  the 


army,  the  navy,  and  the  church.  He  had 
charge  of  all  the  public  money  and  all  the 
public  works,  and  whatever  else  might  be 
called  public  business.  Of  course,  he  was 
supposed  to  look  after  the  interests  of  France 
and  of  Canada,  not  after  his  own ;  and  earlier 
intendants  like  Talon  had  done  this  with  per- 
fect honesty.  But  Bigot  soon  organized  a 
gang  of  men  like  himself,  and  gathered  into 
his  grasping  hands  the  control  of  the  private 
as  well  as  of  the  public  business. 

One  example  will  show  how  he  worked. 
Whenever  food  became  dangerously  scarce  in 
Canada  the  intendant's  duty  was  to  buy  it  up, 
to  put  it  into  the  king's  stores,  and  to  sell  out 
only  enough  for  the  people  to  live  on  till 
the  danger  was  over.  There  was  a  reason  for 
this,  as  Canada,  cut  off  from  France,  was  like 
a  besieged  fortress,  and  it  was  proper  to  treat 
the  people  as  a  garrison  would  be  treated,  and 
to  make  provision  for  the  good  of  the  whole. 
But  when  Bigot  had  formed  his  gang,  and  had, 
in  some  way,  silenced  Vaudreuil,  he  declared 
Canada  in  danger  when  it  was  not,  seized  all 
the  food  he  could  lay  hands  on,  and  sent  it 
over  to  France ;  sent  it,  too,  in  the  king's  ships, 
that  it  might  be  carried  free.  Then  he  made 
Vaudreuil  send  word  to  the  king  that  Canada 


was  starving.     In  the  meantime,  his  friends     f 
in  France  had  stored  the  food,  and  had  then     / 
assured  the  king  that  there  was  plenty  of  grain    / 
in  hand  which  they  could  ship  to  Canada  at 
once.     The  next  step  was  to  get  an  order  from  I 
the  king  to  buy  this  food  to  be  shipped  to  I  / 
Canada.     This  order  was  secured  through  in-  I  / 
fluential  friends  in  Paris,  and,  of  course,  the  I/ 
price  paid  by  the  king  was  high.     The  food  I] 
was  then  sent  back  to  Canada,  again  in  the// 
king's  ships.  I  Then  Bigot  and  his  friends  in  I 
Canada  put  it  not  into  the  king's  but  into  their 
own  stores  in  Quebec,  sold  it  to  the  king's 
stores  once  more,  as  they  had  sold  it  in  France, 
and  then  effected  a  third  sale,  this  time  to  the 
wretched  French  Canadians  from  whom  they 
had  bought  it   for  next  to  nothing   at  first. 
Thus  both  the  king  and  the  French  Canadians 
were  each  robbed  twice  over,  thanks  to  Vau- 
dreuil's  complaisance  and  Bigot's  official  posi- 
tion as  also  representing  the  king. 

Bigot  had  been  some  time  in  Canada  before! 
Vaudreuil  arrived  as  governor  in  1755.  He 
had  already  cheated  a  good  deal.  But  it  was 
only  when  he  found  out  what  sort  of  man 
Vaudreuil  was  that  he  set  to  work  to  do  his 
worst.  Bigot  was  a  knave,  Vaudreuil  a  fool. 
Vaudreuil  was  a  French  Canadian  born  and 


very  jealous  of  any  one  from  France,  unless  the 
Frenchman  flattered  him  as  Bigot  did.  He 
loved  all  sorts  of  pomp  and  show,  and  thought 
himself  the  greatest  man  in  America.  Bigot 
played  on  this  weakness  with  ease  and  could 
persuade  him  to  sign  any  orders,  no  matter 
how  bad  they  were. 

Now,  when  an  owl  like  Vaudreuil  and  a  fox 
like  Bigot  were  ruining  Canada  between  them, 
they  were  anything  but  pleased  to  see  a  lion 
like  Montcalm  come  out  with  an  army  from 
France.  Vaudreuil,  indeed,  had  done  all  he 
could  to  prevent  the  sending  out  of  Montcalm. 
He  wrote  to  France  several  times,  saying  that 
no  French  general  was  needed,  that  separate 
regiments  under  their  own  colonels  would 
suffice,  and  that  he  himself  could  command 
the  regulars  from  France,  just  as  he  did  the 

But  how  did  he  command  the  Canadians  ? 
By  law  every  Canadian  had  to  serve  as  a  soldier, 
without  pay,  whenever  the  country  was  in 
danger.  By  law  every  man  needed  for  carry- 
ing supplies  to  the  far-off  outposts  could  also 
be  taken;  but,  in  this  case,  he  had  to  be 
paid.  Now,  all  the  supplies  and  the  carnage  of 
them  were  under  Bigot's  care.  So  when  the 
Canadians  were  called  out  as  soldiers,  with- 


out  pay,  Bigot's  gang  would  ask  them  if  they 
would  rather  go  and  be  shot  for  nothing  or 
carry  supplies  in  safety  for  pay.  Of  course, 
they  chose  the  carrier's  work  and  the  pay, 
though  half  the  pay  was  stolen  from  them. 
At  the  same  time  their  names  were  still  kept 
on  the  muster  rolls  as  soldiers.  This  was 
the  reason  why  Montcalm  often  had  only 
half  the  militia  called  out  for  him :  the  other 
half  were  absent  as  carriers,  and  the  half 
which  remained  for  Montcalm  was  made  up 
of  those  men  whom  Bigot's  friends  did  not 
think  good  enough  for  carriers. 

But  there  were  more  troubles  still  for  Mont- 
calm and  his  army.  As  governor,  Yaudreuil* 
was,  of  course,  the  heaxLpl.jeYerything  in  the 
country,  including_the  army.  This  was  right 
enough,  if  Tie  had  been  fiTfor  his  post,  because 
a  country  must  have  a  supreme  head,  and 
the  army  is  only  a  part,  though  the  most  im- 
portant part,  in  war.  A  soldier  may  be  also  a 
statesman  and  at  the  head  of  everything,  as 
were  Cromwell,  Napoleon,  and  Frederick  the 
Great.  But  a  statesman  who  is  not  a  soldier 
only  ruins  an  army  if  he  tries  to  command 
it  himself.  And  this  was  precisely  what  Vau- 
dreuil  did.  Indeed,  he  did  worse,  for,  while  he 
did  not  go  into  the  field  himself,  he  continued 


to  give  orders  to  Montcalm  at  every  turn. 
Besides,  instead  of  making  all  the  various  forces 
on  the  French  side  into  one  army  he 
as  separate  as  he  could — five  parts  and  no 

It  should  be  made  clear  what  these  five  parts 
were.  First,  there  were  the  F^nchjregulars, 
the  best  of  all,  commanded  by  Montcalm,  who 
was  himself  under  Vaudreuil.  Next,  there 
were  the  Canadian  regulars  and  the  Canadian 
militia^ both  directly  under  Vaudreuil.  Then 
there  were  the  Ftench^_sajlprs,  under  their 
own  officers,  but  subject  to  Vaudreuil.  Mont- 
calm had  to  report  to  the  minister  of  War 
in  Paris  about  the  French  regulars,  and  to 
the  minister  of  Marine  about  the  Canadians 
of  both  kinds.  Vaudreuil  reported  to  both 
ministers,  usually  against  Montcalm  ;  and  the 
French  naval  commander  reported  to  his  own 
minister  on  his  own  account.  So  there  was 
abundant  opportunity  to  make  trouble  among 
the  four  French  forces.  But  there  was  more 
trouble  still  with  the  fifth  force,  the  Indians, 
who  were  ur^erJ±L^irown^chiefs.  These  men 
admired  Montcalm  ; Eutthey  had  to  make 
treaties  with  Vaudreuil.  They  were  cheated 
byBigot  and  were  offered^  presents  by  the 
nfitlsh. As  they  very  naturally  desired  to 


keep  their  own  country  for  themselves  in  their 
own  way  they  always  wished  to  side  with  the 
stronger  of  the  two  white  rivals,  if  they  could 
not  get  rid  of  both. 

Such  was  the  Canada  of  17^6,  a  country  in 
quite  as  much  janger  from  French  parasites 
as.  from  jritish^  patriots.  It  might  have  lasted 
for  some  years  longer  if  there  had  been  no 
general  war.  The  American  colonists,  though 
more  than  twelve  to  one,  could  not  have  con- 
quered it  alone,  because  they  had  no  fleet  and 
no  regular  army.  But  the  war  came,  and  it 
was  a  great  one.  In  a  great  war  a  country  of 
parasites  has  no  chance  against  a  country  of 
patriots.  All  the  sins  of  sloth  and  wilful  weak- 
ness, of  demagogues  and  courtiers,  and  what- 
ever else  is  rotten  in  the  state,  are  soon  found 
out  and  punished  by  war.  Canada  under 
Vaudreuil_and  JBigoJ jwas  no_match  _  for!  an 
empire  under  Pitt.  For  one's  own  parasites 
are  always  the  worst  of  one's  enemies.  So 
the  last  great  fight  for  Canada  was  not  a  fight 
of  three  against  three  ;  but  of  one  against 
five.  Montcalm  the  lion  stood  utterly  alone, 
with  two  secret  foes  behind  him  and  three 
open  foes  in  front — Vaudreuil  the  owl,  and 
Bigot  the  fox,  behind ;  Pitt,  Saunders  and 
Wolfe,  three  lions  like  himself,  in  front. 



IN  1753  the  governor  of  Virginia  had  sent 
Washington,  then  a  young  major  of  only 
twenty-one,  to  see  what  the  French  were 
doing  in  the  valley  of  the  Ohio,  where  they 
had  been  busy  building  forts  to  shut  the  gate- 
way of  the  West  against  the  British  and  to 
keep  it  open  for  themselves.  The  French 
officers  at  a  post  which  they  called  Venango 
received  Washington  very  politely  and  asked 
him  to  supper.  Washington  wrote  in  his 
diary  that,  after  they  had  drunk  a  good  deal 
of  wine,  '  they  told  me  that  it  was  their 
absolute  design  to  take  possession  of  the 
Ohio,  and  by  God  they  would  do  it.'  When 
Washington  had  returned  home  and  reported, 
the  Virginians  soon  sent  him  back  with  a 
small  force  to  turn  the  French  out.  But 
meanwhile  the  French  had  been  making  them- 
selves much  stronger,  and  on  July  4,  1754, 



when  Washington  advanced  into  their  disputed 
territory,  he  was  overcome  and  obliged  to 
surrender — a  strange  Fourth  of  July  for  him  to 
look  back  upon ! 

Exciting  events  followed  rapidly.  In  1755 
Braddock  came  out  from  England  with  a 
small  army  of  regulars  to  take  command  of 
the  British  forces  in  America  and  drive  the 
French  from  the  Ohio  valley.  But  there  were 
many  difficulties.  The  governments  of  the 
thirteen  British  colonies  were  jealous  of  each 
other  and  of  the  government  in  Britain  ;  their 
militia  were  jealous  of  the  British  regulars, 
who  in  turn  looked  down  on  them.  In  the 
end,  with  only  a  few  Virginians  to  assist  him, 
Braddock  marched  into  a.  country  perfectly 
new  _to  jiim  and  his  men.  The  French  and 
Indians,  quite  at  home  in  the  dense  forest,  laid 
an  ambush  for  the  British  regulars.  These 
stood  bravely,  but  they  could  not  see  a  single 
enemy  to  fire  at.  They  were  badly  defeated, 
and  Braddock  was- killed.  The  British  had  a 
compensating  success  a  few  weeks  later  when, 
in  the  centre  of  Canada,  beside  Lake  George, 
the  French  general,  Baron  Dieskau,  was  de- 
feated almost  as  badly  as  Braddock  had  been. 
Following  this,  down  by  the  Gulf  the  French 
Acadians  were  rooted  out  of  Nova  Scotia,  for 


fear  that  they  might  join  the  other  French  in 
the  coming  war.  Their  lot  was  a  hard  one, 
but  as  they  had  been  British  subjects  for 
forty  years  and  had  always  refused  to  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  British  crown,  and  as 
they  were  being  constantly  stirred  up  against 
British  rule,  it  was  decided  that  they  could  not 
be  safely  left  inside  the  British  frontier. 

At  sea  the  French  had  also  suffered  loss. 
Admiral  Boscawen  had  seized  two  ships  with 
four  hundred  seasoned  French  regulars  on  board 
destined  for  Canada.  The  French  then  sent  out 
another  four  hundred  to  replace  them.  But  no 
veteran  soldiers  could  be  spared.  So  this  second 
four . Jmndred^j^jised-JH^^  of  men, 

were  oLpoor  guality,  and  spoiled  the  discipline 
of  the  regiments  they  joined  in  Canada.  One 
of  these  regiments,  which  had  the  worst  of 
these  recruits,  proved  to  be  the  least  trust- 
worthy in  the  final  struggle  before  Quebec  in 
1759.  Thus  the  power  of  the  British  navy  in 
the  Gulf  of  St  Lawrence  in  1755  made  itself 
felt  four  years  later,  and  a  long  distance  away, 
at  the  very  crisis  of  the  war  on  land. 

Strange  as  it  seems  to  us  now,  all  this  fight- 
ing had  taken  place  in  a  time  of  nominal  peace. 
But  in  1756  the  Seven_ Years'  War  broke  out 
in  Europe,  and  then~many  plans  were  made, 


especially  in  the  English  colonies  in  America, 
for  the  conquest  of  Canada.  The  British  forces 
were  greater  than  the  French,  all  told  on  both 
sides,  both  then  and  throughout  the  war. 
But  the  thirteen  colonies  could  not  agree. 
Some  of  them  were  hot,  others  lukewarm, 
others,  such  as  the  Quakers  of  Pennsylvania, 
cold.  Moreover,  the  British  generals  were  of  £*Vla 
little  use,  and  the  colonial  ones  squabbled  as  'f>^* 
the  colonies  themselves  squabbled.  Pitt  had 
not  yet  taken  charge  of  the  war,  and  the  British 
in  America  were  either  doing  nothing  or  doing 

There  was  only  one  trained  and  competent 
general  on  the  whole  continent ;  and  that 
general  was  Mqntcalm.  Though  new  to  war- 
fare in  the  wilds  he  soon  understood  it  as  well 
as  those  who  had  waged  it  all  their  lives  ;  and 
he  saw  at  a  glance  that  an  attack  on  Oswego 
was  the  key  tp_  the  whole  campaign.  Loiiis- 
bourg  was,  as  ye^~safe"  enough  ;  and  the 
British  movements  against  Lake  Champlain 
were  so  slow  and  foolish  that  he  turned  them 
to  good  account  for  his  own  purposes. 

At  the  end  of  June,  1756,  Montcalm  arrived 
at  Ticonderoga,  where  he  had  already  posted 
his  second-in-command,  the  Chevalier  de 
Levis,  with  3000  men.  He  walked  all  over 


the  country  thereabouts  and  seized  the  lie  of 
the  land  so  well  that  he  knew  it  thoroughly 
when  he  came  back,  two  years  later,  and  won 
his  greatest  victory.  He  kept  his  men  busy 
too.  He  moved  them  forward  so  boldly  and 
so  cleverly  that  the  British  who  had  been 
planning  the  capture  of  the  fort  never  thought 
of  attacking  him,  but  made  sure  only  of  de- 
fending themselves.  All  this  was  but  a  feint 
to  put  the  British  off  their  guard  elsewhere. 
Suddenly,  while  Levis  kept  up  this  show  of 
force,  Montcalm  himself  left  secretly  for 
Montreal,  saw  Vaudreuil,  who,  like  Bigot,  was 
still  all  bows  and  smiles,  and  left  again,  with 
equal  suddenness,  for  Fort  Frontenac  (now 
Kingston)  on  July  21.  From  this  point  he 
intended  to  attack  Oswego. 

At  the  entrance  to  the  Thousand  Islands 
there  was  a  point,  called  by  the  voyageurs 
Point  Baptism,  where  every  new-comer  into  the 
'  Upper  Countries  '  had  to  pay  the  old  hands 
to  drink  his  health.  The  French  regulars, 
1300  strong,  were  all  new  to  the  West,  and, 
as  they  formed  nearly  half  of  Montcalm's 
little  army,  the  '  baptism  '  of  so  many  new- 
comers caused  a  great  deal  of  jollity  in  camp 
that  night.  Serious  work  was,  however, 
ahead.  Fort  Frontenac  was  reached  on  the 


2Qth  ;  and  here  the  report  that  Villiers,  with 
the  advance  guard,  had  already  taken  from 
the  British  200  canoes  and  300  prisoners  soon 
flew  round  and  raised  the  men's  spirits  to  the 
highest  pitch. 

Montcalm  at  once  sent  out  two  armed  ships, 
with  twenty-eight  cannon  between  them,  to 
cut  off  Oswego  by  water,  while  he  sent  a  picked 
body  of  Canadians  and  Indians  into  the  woods 
on  the  south  shore  to  cut  the  place  off  by 
land.  There  was  no  time  to  lose,  since  the 
British  were,  on  the  whole,  much  stronger, 
and  might  make  up  their  slow  minds  to  send 
an  army  to  the  rescue.  Montcalm  lost  not  a 
moment.  He  sailed  across  the  lake  with  his 
3000  men  and  all  his  guns  and  stores,  and 
landed  at  Sackett's  Harbour,  which  his 
advance  guard  had  already  seized  and  pre- 
pared. Then,  hiding  in  the  mouths  of  rivers 
.by  -day  and  marching  and  rowing  by  night, 
hi&.  army  _  arrived  safely  withih 

shcJLja£--Qswego  under  cover  ~olJJie_dark^  on 
August  10. 

There~wenrthree  forts  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Oswego.  The  first  was  Fort  Ontario  ;  then, 
across  the  river,  stood  Fort  Oswego  ;  and,  be- 
yond that  again,  little  Fort  George.  These 
forts  were  held  by  about  iSooJBritish,  mostly 




American  colonists,  with  123  guns  of  all 

While  it  was  still  dark  Montcalm  gave 
out  his  orders.  At  the  first  streak  of  dawn 
the  Indians  and  Canadians  were  in  position 
to  protect  the  engineers  and  working  parties. 
Only  one  accident  marred  the  success  of  the 
opening  day.  One  of  the  French  engineers  was 
returning  to  camp  through  the  woods  at  dusk, 
when  an  Indian,  mistaking  him  for  an  enemy, 
shot  him  dead.  It  is  said  that  this  Indian 
felt  so  sorry  for  what  he  had  done  that  he 
vowed  to  avenge  the  engineer's  loss  on  the 
British,  and  did  not  stop  scalp-hunting  during 
the  rest  of  the  war ;  but  went  on  until  he 
had  lifted  as  many  as  thirty  scalps  from  the 
hated  British  heads.  In  the  meantime,  other 
engineers  had  traced  out  the  road  from  the 
bay  to  the  battery.  Led  by  their  officers  the 
French  regulars  set  to  work  with  such  good- 
will that  the  road  was  ready  next  day  for  the 
siege  train  of  twenty-two  cannon,  now  landed 
in  the  nick  of  time. 

Every  part  of  the  siege  was  made  to  fit  in 
perfectly  with  every  other  part.  While  the 
guns  were  being  landed,  the  British,  who  had 
only  just  taken  alarm,  sent  round  two  armed 
vessels  to  stop  this  work.  But  Montcalm  had 


placed  a  battery  all  ready  to  beat  off  these 
ships,  and  the  landing  went  on  like  clock- 
work. The  next  day,  again,  the  soldiers  were 
as  busy  as  bees  round  the  doomed  British 
forts.  Canadians  and  Indians  filled  the  woods. 
Canadians  and  French  hauled  the  cannon 
up  to  the  battery  commanding  Fort  Ontario, 
but  left  them  hidden  near  by  till  after  dark. 
The  engineers  made  the  first  parallel.  French 
troops  raised  the  battery  ;  and  at  daylight  the 
next  morning  it  was  ready.  Fort  Ontario  kept 
up  an  active  fire.  The  distance  was  only  a 
musket  shot,  two  hundred  yards;  but  the 
French  fire  was  so  furious  that  the  British 
guns  were  silenced  the  same  afternoon. 

Colonel  Mercer,  the  British  commander, 
called  in  the  garrison,  who  abandoned  Fort 
Ontario  and  crossed  the  river  after  spiking 
the  guns.  Without  a  moment's  delay  Mont- 
calm  seized  the  fort  and  kept  his  working 
parties  hauling  guns  all  night  long.  In  the 
morning  Fort  Oswego  on  the  other  side  of  the 
river  was  commanded  by  a  heavier  battery 
than  the  one  that  had  taken  Fort  Ontario  the 
day  before.  More  than  this,  the  Canadians 
and  Indians  had  crossed  the  river  and  had  cut 
off  the  little  Fort  George,  half  a  mile  beyond. 
There  was  a  stiff  fight  for  it,  but  Mercer's  men 


were  driven  off  into  the  other  fort  with  con- 
siderable loss. 

Montcalm's  new  battery  beside  the  river 
was  on  higher  ground  than  Fort  Oswego, 
which  was  only  five  hundred  yards  away. 
At  six  o'clock  it  opened  fire  and  ploughed 
up  the  whole  area  of  this  fort  with  terrible 
effect.  Hardly  a  spot  was  left  which  the 
French  shells  did  not  search  out.  The 
British  reply,  fired  uphill,  soon  began  to 
weaken.  The  French  fire  was  redoubled. 
Colonel  Mercer  was  killed  by  a  cannon  ball,  and 
this,  of  course,  weakened  the  British  defence. 
The  second-in-command  kept  up  the  unequal 
fight  for  another  couple  of  hours.  Then, 
finding  that  he  could  not  induce  his  men  to 
face  the  murderous  fire  any  longer,  and  see- 
ing his  fort  cut  off  by  land  and  water,  he  ran 
up  the  white  flag. 

Montcalm  gave  him  an  hour  to  surrender 
both  fort  and  garrison.  Again  there  was  no 
time  to  lose,  and  again  Montcalm  lost  none. 
That  morning  a  letter  found  on  a  British 
messenger  showed  that  Colonel  Webb,  with 
2000  men,  was  somewhere  up  the  river  Oswego 
waiting  for  news.  So,  while  Montcalm  was 
attacking  the  fort  with  his  batteries,  he  was 
also  preparing  his  army  to  attack  Webb.  He 


did  not  intend  to  wait ;  but  to  march  out  and 
meet  the  new  enemy,  so  as  not  to  be  caught 
between  two  fires. 

At  eleven  the  fort  surrendered  with  1600 
prisoners,  123  cannon,  powder,  shot,  stores 
and  provisions  of  all  kinds,  5  armed  ships 
and  200  boats.  There  was  also  a  large  quantity 
of  wine  and  rum,  which  Montcalm  at  once 
spilt  into  the  lake,  lest  the  Indians  should  get 
hold  of  it  and  in  their  drunken  frenzy  begin  a 
massacre.  As  it  was,  they  were  anything  but 
pleased  to  find  that  he  was  conducting  the  war 
on  European  principles,  and  that  he  would  not 
let  them  scalp  the  sick  and  wounded  British. 
Some  of  them  sneaked  in  and,  in  the  first  con- 
fusion, took  a  few  scalps.  But  Montcalm  was 
among  them  at  once  and  stopped  them  short. 
He  had  been  warned  not  to  offend  them  ;  and 
so  he  promised  them  rich  presents  if  they 
would  behave  properly.  In  his  dispatch  to 
the  minister  of  War  he  said :  '  I  am  afraid  my 
promises  will  cost  ten  thousand  francs  ;  but 
the  keeping  of  them  will  attach  the  Indians 
more  to  our  side.  In  any  case,  there  is 
nothing  I  would  not  have  done  to  prevent  any 
breach  of  faith  with  the  enemy.' 

In  a  single  week  every  part  of  all  three  forts 
was  levelled  with  the  ground.  This  delighted 


the  Indians  more  than  anything  else,  for  they 
rightly  feared  that  any  British  advance  in  this 
direction  would  be  sure  to  end  in  their  being 
driven  out  of  their  own  country.  By  August 
21,  ten  days  from  the  time  the  first  shot  was 
fired,  Montcalm  was  leading  his  victorious 
army  back  to  Montreal. 

The  news  spread  like  wildfire.  No  such 
sudden,  complete,  and  surprising  victory  had 
ever  before  been  won  in  the  West.  The  name 
and  fame  of  Montcalm  ran  along  the  war- 
paths of  the  endless  forest  and  passed  from 
mouth  to  mouth  over  ten  thousand  leagues  of 
inland  waters.  In  one  short  summer  the  magic 
of  that  single  word,  Montcalm,  became  as 
great  in  America  as  it  had  been  for  centuries 
in  France.  The  whole  face  of  the  war  was 
changed.  At  the  beginning  of  the  year  the 
British  had  thought  of  nothing  but  attack. 
Then,  when  Montcalm  had  shown  them  so 
bold  a  front  at  Ticonderoga,  they  had  paused 
to  make  sure.  Now,  after  Oswego,  they 
thought  of  nothing  but  defence. 

People  could  hardly  believe  that  one  and  the 
same  man  had  in  July  checked  the  threatened 
British  invasion  at  Lake  Champlain  and  in 
August  had  taken  the  stronghold  of  British 
power  on  Lake  Ontario.  Every  step  of  the 


way  had  to  be  covered  by  force  of  the  men's 
own  legs  and  arms,  marching,  paddling,  haul- 
ing, carrying.  In  short,  Montcalm  had  moved 
a  whole  army,  siege  train  and  all,  as  fast 
through  the  wilderness  without  horses  as 
another  army  would  have  been  moved  over 
good  roads  in  Europe  with  them.  The  wonder 
grew  when  the  numbers  became  known. 
Wjth  sogft-'iimi  rm4-22  giinS-J^nt^ir1^^ 
aken  thfftt  foffo  ******  *  MirtiaQft  of  1800  men 

jmd  123  gunt  ;   and  had  done  this  in  face  oT~ 

five  armed  British  vessels  against  his  own  two, 
and  in  spite  <tf  the  fact  that  2000  more  British.  _ 
"soldiers  were  close  behind  him  in  the  forest. 

Canada  burst  into  great  rejoicings.  All  the 
churches  sang  Te  Deum.  The  five  captured 
flags  were  carried  in  triumph  through  Montreal, 
Three  Rivers,  and  Quebec.  In  France  the  news 
was  received  with  great  jubilation,  and  many 
officers  gained  promotion  for  this  success.  In 
the  midst  of  all  this  glory  Montcalm  was  busy 
looking  after  the  health  and  comfort  of  his 
men,  seeing  that  the  Canadians  were  sent  home 
as  soon  as  possible  to  gather  in  their  harvest, 
and  engaging  the  Indians  to  join  him  for  a  still 
greater  war  next  year.  Nor  did  he  forget  any 
one  who  had  done  him  faithful  service.  He 
asked,  as  a  special  favour,  that  an  old  sergeant, 


Marcel,  who  had  come  out  as  his  orderly  and 
clerk,  should  be  made  a  captain.  Marcel  had 
thus  good  reason  never  to  forget  Montcalm. 
It  was  his  hand  that  wrote  the  last  letter  which 
Montcalm  ever  dictated  and  signed,  the  one  to 
the  British  commander  after  the  battle  of  the 
Plains,  the  one  which  admitted  the  ultimate 
failure  of  all  Montcalm's  heroic  work. 

Another  man  whom  Montcalm  specially 
praised  was  Bougainville,  his  aide-de-camp, 
of  whom  we  shall  hear  again  very  often. 
Bougainville,  though  still  under  thirty,  was 
already  a  well-known  man  of  science  who  had 
been  made  a  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society  of 
London.  '  You  could  hardly  believe  how  full 
of  resource  he  is,'  wrote  the  admiring  Mont- 
calm, who  then  added  modestly :  *  As  the 
account  of  this  expedition  may  be  printed 
I  have  asked  him  to  correct  it  carefully,  be- 
cause he  writes  much  better  than  I  do.' 

Only  one  thing  spoiled  the  triumph  ;  and 
that  was  the  jealousy  of  Vaudreuil,  who  tried 
to  claim  all  the  credit  of  making  the  plan  for 
himself  and  the  credit  of  carrying  it  out  for 
the  Canadians.  Certainly  he  had  been  saying 
for  some  time  before  Montcalm  arrived  that 
Oswego  ought  to  be  taken.  Everybody  on 
both  sides  knew  perfectly  well,  however,  that 


Oswego  was  the  gateway  of  the  West ;    so        / 
Vaudreuil    was    not  a  bit    wiser    than  many       / 
others.     In  a  way  he  did  make  the  plan.     But      / 
Montcalm  was   the   one  who   really  worked     / 
it    out.     Vaudreuil    pressed    the    button    that    / 
launched   the   ship.     It   was   Montcalm   who  / 
took   her   into   action   and   brought   her   out/ 
victorious.  — J 

Montcalm's  crew  worked  well  together. 
But  this  did  not  suit  Vaudreuil  at  all.  He 
wrote  both  to  the  minister  of  War  and  to  the 
minister  of  Marine  in  France,  praising  the 
Canadians  and  Indians  and  making  as  little 
as  possible  of  the  work  of  the  French.  '  The 
French  regulars  showed  their  wonted  zeal ; 
but  the  enemy  did  not  give  them  a  chance  to 
do  much  work.'  l  Our  troops,  the  Canadians 
and  Indians,  fought  with  courage.  They  have 
all  done  very  well/  True  enough.  But,  all 
the  same,  the  regulars  were,  from  first  to  last, 
tK'e  backbone  of  the  defence  of  Canada.  '  The  _ 
measures^ _i  look _.  made  our  victory  certain. 
If  I  had  been  less  firm,  Oswego  would  still  „ 
have  been  in  the  hands  of  the  British.  I 
^cannot  sufficiently  congratulate  myself  on  the 
zeal  which  my  brother  [an  officer  in  the 
Canadian  service]  and  the  Canadians  and 
Indians  showed.  Without  them  my  orders 


would  have  been  given  in  vain.'  And  so  on, 
and  so  on. 

Mont  calm  saw  the  real  strength  and  weak- 
ness of  the  Canadians  and  wrote  his  own 
opinion  to  the  minister  of  War.  '  Our  French 
regulars  did  all  I  required  with  splendid  zeal. 
...  I  made  good  use  of  the  militia,  but  not 
at  the  works  exposed  to  the  enemy's  fire. 
These  militiamen  have  no  discipline.  In  six 
months  I  could  make  grenadiers  of  them.  But 
at  present  I  would  not  rely  on  them,  nor  be- 
lieve what  they  say  about  themselves ;  for 
they  think  themselves  quite  the  finest  fellows 
in  the  world.  The  governor  is  a  native  of 
Canada,  was  married  here,  and  is  surrounded 
by  his  relatives  on  all  sides.' 

The  fact  is  that  the  war  was  no  longer  an 
affair  of  little  raids,  first  on  one  side  and  then 
on  the  other,  but  was  becoming,  more  and 
more,  a  war  on  a  great  scale,  with  long  cam- 
paigns, larger  numbers  of  men,  trains  of 
artillery,  fortifications,  and  all  the  other 
things  that  require  well-drilled  troops  who 
have  thoroughly  learned  the  soldier's  duty, 
and  are  ready  to  do  it  at  any  time  and  in  any 
place.  War  is  like  everything  else  in  the  world. 
The  men  whose  regular  business  it  is  will  wage 
it  better  than  the  men  who  only  do  it  as  an  odd 


job.  Of  course,  if  the  best  men  are  chosen  for 
the  militia,  and  the  worst  are  turned  into 
regulars,  the  militia  may  beat  the  regulars, 
even  on  equal  terms.  If,  too,  regulars  are  set 
down  in  a  strange  country,  quite  unlike  the 
one  in  which  they  have  been  trained  to  fight, 
naturally  they  will  begin  by  making  a  good 
many  mistakes.  But,  for  all-round  work,  the 
same  men,  as  regulars,  are  worth  much  more 
than  twice  what  they  are  worth  as  militia, 
everywhere  and  always. 



IN  January  Montcalm  paid  a  visit  to  Quebec, 
and  there  began  to  see  how  Bigot  and  his 
fellow-vampires  were  sucking  away  the  life- 
blood  of  Canada.  *  The  intendant  lives  in 
grandeur,  and  has  given  two  splendid  balls, 
where  I  have  seen  over  eighty  very  charm- 
ing and  well-dressed  ladies.  I  think  Quebec 
is  a  town  of  very  good  style,  and  I  do  not  be- 
lieve we  have  a  dozen  cities  in  France  that 
could  rank  before  it  as  a  social  centre.'  This 
was  well  enough  ;  though  not  when  armies 
were  only  half-fed.  But  here  is  the  real  crime  : 
'  The  intendant's  strong  taste  for  gambling, 
and  the  governor's  weakness  in  letting  him 
have  his  own  way,  are  causing  a  great  deal  of 
play  for  very  high  stakes.  Many  officers  will 
repent  it  soon  and  bitterly.'  Montcalm  was 
placed  in  a  most  awkward  position.  He 
wished  to  stop  the  ruinous  gambling.  But  he 



was  under  Vaudreuil,  had  no  power  over  the 
intendant,  and,  as  he  said  himself,  *  felt 
obliged  not  to  oppose  either  of  them  in 
public,  because  they  were  invested  with  the 
king's  authority.' 

Vaudreuil  nearly  did  Canada  a  very  good 
turn  this  winter,  by  falling  ill  on  his  way  to 
Montreal.  But,  luckily  for  the  British  and 
unluckily  for  the  French,  he  recovered.  On 
February  14  he  began  hatching  more  mis- 
chief. The  British,  having  been  stopped  in 
the  West  at  Oswego,  were  certain  to  try  another 
advance,  in  greater  force,  by  the  centre,  up 
Lake  Champlain.  The  French,  with  fewer 
men  and  very  much  less  provisions  and  stores 
of  all  kinds,  could  hope  to  win  only  by  giving 
the  British  another  sudden,  smashing  blow 
and  then  keeping  them  in  check  for  the  rest 
of  the  summer.  The  whol$  ptargti|rfo  nf  r^^fl 
was  needed  to  give  this  blow,  and  every  pound 
of  food  was  precious.  Vaudreuil,  however, 
was  planning  to  take  separate  action  on  his 
own  account.  He  organized  a  raid  under  his 
brother,  Rigaud,  without  telling  Montcalm  a 
'Word  about  it  till  the  whole  plan  was  made, 
'even  though  the  raid  required  the  use  of  some 
of  the  French  regulars,  who  were,  in  an 
especial  degree,  under  Montcalm's  command. 


Montcalm  told  Vaudreuil  that  it  was  a  pity  not 
to  keep  their  whole  strength  for  one  decisive 
dash,  and  that,  if  this  raid  was  to  take  place  at 
all,  Levis  or  some  other  regular  French  officer 
high  in  rank  should  be  in  command. 

Vaudreuil,  however,  adhered  to  his  own  plan. 
This  time  there  was  to  be  no  question  of  credit 
for  anyone  but  Canadians,  Indians,  Vaudreuil 
himself,  and  his  brother.  As  for  making  sure 
of  victory  by  taking,  as  Montcalm  advised, 
a  really  strong  force :  well,  Vaudreuil  would 
trust  to  luck,  hit  or  miss,  as  he  always  had 
trusted  before.  And  a  strange  stroke  of  luck 
very  nearly  did  serve  his  unworthy  turn.  For, 
on  March  17,  when  the  1600  raiders  were 
drawing  quite  close  to  Fort  William  Henry, 
most  of  the  little  British  garrison  of  400  men 
were  drinking  so  much  New  England  rum  in 
honour  of  St  Patrick's  Day  that  their  muskets 
would  have  hurt  friends  more  than  foes  if  an 
attack  had  been  made  that  night.  Next  even- 
ing the  French  crept  up,  hoping  to  surprise  the 
place.  But  the  sentries  were  once  more  alert, 
and  in  the  silence  they  heard  a  tapping  noise 
on  the  lake,  which  turned  out  to  be  made  by 
a  Canadian  who  was  trying  the  strength  of  the 
ice  with  the  back  of  his  axe  to  see  if  it  would 
bear.  This  led  to  a  brisk  defence.  When 


the  French  advanced  over  the  ice  the  British 
gunners  sent  such  a  hail  of  grape-shot  crashing 
along  this  precarious  foothold  that  the  enemy 
were  glad  to  scamper  off  as  hard  as  their  legs 
v^puld  take  them. 

The  French  did  not  abandon  their  attempt, 
however,  and  two  days  later  Vaudreuil's 
brother  arrayed  his  1600  men  against  the  fort 
and  summoned  it  to  surrender.  As  he  had  no 
guns  the  garrison  would  not  listen  to  him. 
Rigaud  then  proceeded  to  burn  what  he  could 
outside  the  fort.  He  certainly  made  a  splendid 
bonfire  ;  the  wild,  red  flames  leaped  into  the 
sky  from  the  open,  snow-white  clearings 
beside  the  fort,  with  the  long,  white  reaches 
of  Lake  George  in  front  and  the  dark,  densely 
wooded  hills  all  round.  A  great  deal  was 
burnt :  four  small  ships,  350  boats,  a  saw- 
mill, sheds,  magazines,  immense  piles  of  fire- 
wood, and  a  large  supply  of  provisions.  But 
the  British  could  afford  this  loss  much  better 
than  the  French  could  afford  the  cost  of  the 
raid.  And  the  cost,  of  course,  was  five  times 
as  great  as  it  ought  to  have  been.  Bigot's 
gang  took  care  of  that. 

-  Jfren  the  raiderar*m^kkvj^  JbikeJJie  fortT  set 
out— ior  Jiome  on  snow-shoes.  There  had 
been  a  very  heavy  snowstorm  before  they 


started,  and  the  spring  sun  was  now  shining 
full  on  the  glaring  white  snow.  Many  of 
them,  even  among  the  Canadians  and  Indians, 
were  struck  snowblind  so  badly  that  they 
had  to  be  led  by  the  hand — no  easy  thing  on 
snow-shoes.  At  the  end  of  March  they  were 
safely  back  in  Montreal,  where  Vaudreuil  and 
his  brother  went  strutting  about  like  a  pair  of 

Montcalm's  first  Canadian  winter  wore  away. 
Vaudreuil  and  Bigot  still  kept  up  an  outward 
politeness  in  all  their  relations  with  him. 
But  they  were  beginning  to  fear  that  he  was 
far  too  wise  and  honest  for  them.  He  was, 
however,  under  VaudreuiPs  foolish  orders  and 
he  had  no  power  to  check  Bigot's  knaveries. 
Much  against  his  will  he  was  already  getting 
into  debt,  and  was  thus  rendered  even  more 
helpless.  Vaudreuil,  as  governor,  had  plenty 
of  money.  Bigot  stole  as  much  as  he  wished. 
But  Montcalm  was  not  well  paid.  Yet,  as 
the  commander-in-chief,  he  had  to  be  asking 
people  to  dinners  and  receptions  almost  every 
day,  while  becoming  less  and  less  able  to  meet 
the  expense.  The  Bigot  gang  made  provisions 
so  scarce  and  so  dear  that  only  the  thieves 
themselves  could  pay  for  them.  Well  might 
the  sorely  tried  general  write  home  :  '  What  a 


country,  where  knaves  grow  rich  and  honest 
men  are  ruined  ! '  ^ 

In  June  there  was  such  a  sight  in  Montreal 
as  Canada  had  never  seen  before,  and  never 
saw  again.  During  the  autumn,  the  winter, 
and  the  spring,  messengers  had  been  going 
along  every  warpath  and  waterway,  east  and 
west  for  thousands  of  miles,  to  summon  the 
tribes  to  meet  Onontio,  as  they  called  the 
French  governor,  at  Montreal.  The  ice  had 
hardly  gone  in  April  when  the  first  of  the 
braves  began  to  arrive  in  flotillas  of  bark 
canoes.  The  surrender  of  Washington  at 
Fort  Necessity  and  the  capture  and  rebuild- 
ing of  Fort  Duquesne  in  1754,  the  bloody 
defeat  of  Braddock  in  1755,  and  Montcalm's 
sudden,  smashing  blow  against  Oswego  in 
1756,  all  had  led  the  western  Indians  to  think 
that  the  French  were  everything  and  the 
British  nothing.  In  Canada  itself  the  Indians 
were  equally  sure  that  the  French  were  going 
to  be  the  victors  there ;  while  in  the  east, 
in  far  Acadia,  the  Abnakis  were  as  bitter  as 
the  Acadians  themselves  against  the  British. 
So  now,  whether  eager  for  more  victories  or 
thirsting  for  revenge,  the  warriors  came  to 
Montreal  from  far  and  near. 

Fifty- one  of  the  tribes  were  ready  for  the 




warpath.  Their  chiefs  had  sat  in  grave 
debate  round  the  council  fires.  Their  medicine 
men  had  made  charms  in  secret  wigwams  and 
seen  visions  of  countless  British  scalps  and 
piles  of  British  booty.  Accordingly,  when 
the  braves  of  these  fifty-one  tribes  met  at 
Montreal,  there  was  war  in  every  heart  among 
them.  No  town  in  the  world  had  ever  shown 
more  startling  contrasts  in  its  streets.  Here, 
side  by  side,  were  outward  signs  of  the  highest 
civilization  and  of  the  lowest  barbarism.  Here 
were  the  most  refined  of  ladies,  dressed  in  the 
latest  Paris  fashions,  mincing  about  in  silks 
and  satins  and  high-heeled,  golden-buckled 
shoes.  Here  were  the  most  courtly  gentlemen 
of  Europe,  in  the  same  embroidered  and  be- 
ruffled  uniforms  that  they  would  have  worn 
before  the  king  of  France.  Yet  in  and  out  of 
this  gay  throng  of  polite  society  went  hundreds 
of  copper-coloured  braves ;  some  of  them 
more  than  half-naked  ;  most  of  them  ready, 
after  a  victory,  to  be  cannibals  who  revelled 
in  stews  of  white  man's  flesh  ;  all  of  them 
decked  in  waving  plumes,  all  of  them 
grotesquely  painted,  like  demons  in  a  night- 
mare, and  all  of  them  armed  to  the  teeth. 

Much  to  VaudreuiPs  disgust  the  man  whom 
the  Indians  wished  most  to  see  was  not  him- 


self,  the  '  Great  Onontio/  much  less  Bigot, 
prince  of  thieves,  but  the  warrior  chief,  Mont- 
calm.  They  had  the  good  sense  to  prefer  the 
lion  to  the  owl  or  the  fox.  Three  hundred  of 
the  wildest  Ottawas  came  striding  in  one  day, 
each  man  a  model  of  agility  and  strength,  a 
living  bronze,  a  sculptor's  dream,  the  whole 
making  a  picture  for^the  brush  of  the  greatest 
painter.  *  We  want  to  see  the  chief  who 
tramples  the  British  to  death  and  sweeps  their 
forts  off  the  face  of  the  earth. '  Montcalm, 
though  every  inch  a  soldier,  was  rather  short 
than  tall ;  and  at  first  the  Ottawa  chief  looked 
surprised.  '  We  thought  your  head  would  be 
lost  in  the  clouds/  he  said.  But  then,  as  he 
caught  Montcalm's  piercing  glance,  he  added : 
1  Yet  when  we  look  into  your  eyes,  we  see  the 
height  of  the  pine  and  the  wings  of  the  eagle.' 
Meanwhile,  prisoners,  scouts,  and  spies  had 
been  coming  in;  so  too  had  confidential  dis- 
patches from  France  confirming  the  rumours 
that  the  greater  part  of  the  British  army  was 
to  attack  Louisbourg,  and  that  the  French 
were  well  able  to  defend  it.  With  the  British 
concentrating  their  strength  on  Louisbourg  a 
chance  offered  for  another  Oswego-like  blow 
against  the  British  forts  at  the  southern  end 
of  Lake  George  if  it  could  be  made  by  July. 


But  Vaudreuil's  raid  in  March,  and  Bigot's 
bill  for  it,  had  eaten  up  so  much  of  the  supplies 
and  money,  that  nothing  like  a  large  force 
could  be  made  ready  to  strike  before  August ; 
and  the  month's  delay  might  give  the  militia 
of  the  British  colonies,  slow  as  they  were,  time 
to  be  brought  up  to  the  help  of  the  forts. 

Montcalm  was  now  eager  to  strike  the  blow. 
Once  clear  of  Montreal  and  its  gang  of  parasites, 
he  soon  had  his  motley  army  in  hand,  in  spite  of 
all  kinds  of  difficulties.  In  May  Bourlamaque 
had  begun  rebuilding  Ticonderoga.  In  July 
Lake  Champlain  began  to  swarm  with  boats, 
canoes,  and  sailing  vessels,  all  moving  south 
towards  the  doomed  fort  on  Lake  George. 
Montcalm's  whole  force  numbered  8000.  Of 
these  3000  were  regulars,  3000  were  militia, 
and  2000  were  Indians  from  the  fifty-one 
different  tribes,  very  few  of  whom  knew  any- 
thing of  war,  except  war  as  it  was  carried 
on  by  savages.  By  the  end  of  the  month 
these  8000  men  were  camped  along  the  four 
miles  of  valley  between  Lakes  Champlain  and 
George.  Meanwhile  the  British  were  at  the 
other  end  of  Lake  George,  little  more  than  thirty 
miles  away.  Their  first  post  was  Fort  William 
Henry,  where  they  had  2200  men  under  Colonel 
Monro.  Fourteen  miles  inland  beyond  that 


was  Fort  Edward,  where  Webb  commanded 
3600  men.  There  were  900  more  British 
troops  still  farther  on,  but  well  within  call, 
and  it  was  known  that  a  large  force  of  militia 
were  being  assembled  somewhere  near  Albany. 
Thus  Montcalm  knew  that  the  British  already 
had  nearly  as  many  men  as  his  own  regulars 
and  militia  put  together,  and  that  further 
levies  of  militia  might  come  on  at  any  time 
and  in  any  numbers.  He  therefore  had  to 
strike  as  hard  and  fast  as  he  could,  and  then 
retire  on  Ticonderoga.  He  knew  the  Indians 
would  go  home  at  once  after  the  fight  and  also 
that  he  must  send  the  Canadians  home  in 
August  to  save  their  harvest.  Then  he  would 
be  left  with  only  3000  regulars,  who  could  not 
be  fed  for  the  rest  of  the  summer  so  far  from 
headquarters.  With  this  3000  he  could  not 
advance,  in  any  case,  because  of  lack  of  food 
and  because  of  the  presence  of  Webb's  4500, 
increased  by  an  unknown  number  of  American 

The  first  skirmish  on  Lake  George  was 
fought  while  the  main  bodies  of  both  armies 
were  still  at  opposite  ends.  A  party  of  400 
Indians  and  50  Canadians  were  paddling  south 
when  they  saw  advancing  on  the  lake  a  number 
of  British  boats  with  300  men,  mostly  raw 


militia  from  New  Jersey.  The  Indians  went 
ashore  and  hid.  The  doomed  militiamen 
rowed  on  in  careless,  straggling  disorder. 
Suddenly,  as  they  passed  a  wooded  point,  the 
calm  air  was  rent  with  blood-curdling  war- 
whoops,  and  the  lake  seemed  alive  with  red- 
skinned  fiends,  who  paddled  in  among  the 
British  boats  in  one  bewildering  moment. 
The  militiamen  were  seized  with  a  panic  and 
tried  to  escape.  But  they  could  not  get  away 
from  the  finest  paddlers  in  the  world,  who  cut 
them  off,  upset  their  boats,  tomahawked  some, 
and  speared  a  good  many  others  like  fish  in 
the  water.  Only  two  boats,  out  of  twenty- 
three,  escaped  to  tell  the  tale.  That  night  the 
forest  resounded  with  savage  yells  of  triumph 
as  the  prisoners,  out  of  reach  of  all  help  from 
either  army,  were  killed  and  scalped  to  the 
last  man. 

On  August  i  Montcalm  advanced  by  land 
and  water.  He  sent  Levis  by  land  with 
3000  men  to  cut  Fort  William  Henry  off 
from  Fort  Edward,  while  he  went  himself,  with 
the  rest  of  his  army,  by  water  in  boats  and 
canoes.  The  next  day  they  met  at  a  little 
bay  quite  close  to  the  fort.  On  the  3rd  the 
final  advance  was  made.  The  French  canoes 
formed  lines  stretching  right  across  the  lake. 




A   A  A  AA^A      ** 

Campdf  Mont^lm 

Section    through     A.  B. 

Sea/is  of  Yards 
6       16     & & 

Bartholomew,  tdm: 


While  the  artillery  was  being  landed  in  a  cove 
out  of  reach  of  the  guns  of  the  fort  Levis  was 
having  a  lively  skirmish  with  the  British,  who 
were  trying  to  drive  in  their  cattle  and  save 
their  tents.  About  500  of  them  held  the  fort, 
and  1700  were  in  the  entrenched  camp  some 
way  beyond. 

Montcalm  sent  in  a  summons  to  surrender. 
But  old  Colonel  Monro  replied  that  he  was 
ready  to  fight.  On  the  4th  and  5th  the  French 
batteries  rose  as  if  by  magic.  But  the  Indians, 
not  used  to  the  delay  and  the  careful  prepara- 
tion which  a  siege  involves,  soon  grew  angry 
and  impatient,  and  swarmed  all  over  the  French 
lines,  asking  why  they  were  ordered  here  and 
there  and  treated  like  slaves,  why  their  advice 
had  not  been  sought,  and  why  the  big  guns 
were  not  being  fired.  Montcalm  had  been 
counselled  to  humour  them  as  much  as  possible 
and  on  no  account  whatever  to  offend  them. 
Their  help  was  needed,  and  the  British  were 
quite  ready  to  win  them  over  to  their  own 
side  if  possible.  Accordingly,  on  the  after- 
noon of  the  5th,  Montcalm  held  a  grand 
'  pow-wow '  with  the  savages.  He  told  them 
that  the  French  had  to  be  slow  at  first,  but 
that  the  very  next  day  the  big  guns  would 
begin  to  fire,  and  that  they  would  all  be  in  the 


fight  together.  The  fort  was  timbered  and 
made  a  good  target.  The  Indians  greeted 
the  first  roar  of  the  siege  guns  with  yells  of 
delight,  and  when  they  saw  shells  bursting 
and  scattering  earth  and  timbers  in  all  direc- 
tions they  shrieked  and  whooped  so  loudly 
that  their  savage  voices  woke  almost  as  many 
wild  echoes  along  those  beautiful  shores  as 
the  thunder  of  the  guns  themselves. 

Presently  a  man  came  in  to  the  French  camp 
with  a  letter  addressed  to  Monro,  which  the 
Indians  had  found  concealed  in  a  hollow  bullet 
on  a  British  messenger  whom  they  had  killed. 
This  letter  was  from  Monro's  superior  officer, 
General  Webb,  fourteen  miles  distant  at  Fort 
Edward.  He  advised  Monro  to  make  the  best 
terms  possible  with  Montcalm,  as  he  did  not 
feel  strong  enough  to  relieve  Fort  William 
Henry.  Montcalm  stopped  his  batteries  and 
sent  the  letter  in  to  Monro  by  Bougainville, 
with  his  compliments.  But  Monro,  while 
thanking  him  for  his  courtesy,  still  said  he 
should  hold  out  to  the  last. 

Montcalm  now  decided  to  bring  matters  to 
a  head  at  once.  As  yet  his  batteries  were  too 
far  off  to  be  effective,  and  between  them  and 
the  fort  lay  first  a  marsh  and  then  a  little  hill. 
By  sheer  hard  work  the  French  made  a  road 


for  their  cannon  across  the  marsh  ;  and  Monro 
saw,  to  his  horror,  that  Montcalm's  new 
batteries  were  rising,  in  spite  of  the  British  fire, 
right  opposite  the  fort,  on  top  of  the  little  hill, 
and  only  two  hundred  and  fifty  yards  away. 

Monro  knew  he  was  lost.  Smallpox  was 
raging  in  the  fort.  Webb  would  not  move. 
Montcalm  was  able  to  knock  the  whole  place 
to  pieces  and  destroy  the  garrison.  On  the 
9th  the  white  flag  went  up.  Montcalm  granted 
the  honours  of  war.  The  British  were  to 
march  off  the  next  morning  to  Fort  Edward, 
carrying  their  arms,  and  under  escort  of  a 
body  of  French  regulars.  Every  precaution 
was  taken  to  keep  the  Indians  from  commit- 
ting any  outrage.  Montcalm  assembled  them, 
told  them  the  terms,  and  persuaded  them  to 
promise  obedience.  He  took  care  to  keep  all 
strong  drink  out  of  their  way,  and  asked  Monro 
to  destroy  all  the  liquor  in  the  British  fort  and 

In  spite  of  these  precautions  a  dire  tragedy 
followed.  While  the  garrison  were  marching 
out  of  the  fort  towards  their  own  camp,  some 
Indians  climbed  in  without  being  seen  and 
began  to  scalp  the  sick  and  wounded  who  were 
left  behind  in  charge  of  the  French.  The 
French  guard,  hearing  cries,  rushed  in  and 


stopped  the  savages  by  force.  The  British 
were  partly  to  blame  for  this  first  outrage: 
they  had  not  poured  out  the  rum,  and  the 
Indians  had  stolen  enough  to  make  them 
drunk.  Montcalm  came  down  himself,  at  the 
first  alarm,  and  did  his  utmost.  He  seized 
and  destroyed  all  the  liquor  ;  and  he  arranged 
with  two  chiefs  from  each  tribe  to  be  ready 
to  start  in  the  morning  with  the  armed  British 
and  their  armed  escort.  He  went  back  to 
his  tent  only  at  nine  o'clock,  when  everything 
was  quiet. 

Much  worse  things  happened  the  next 
morning.  The  British,  who  had  some  women 
and  children  with  them,  and  who  still  kept 
a  good  deal  of  rum  in  their  canteens,  began 
to  stir  much  earlier  than  had  been  arranged. 
The  French  escort  had  not  arrived  when  the 
British  column  began  to  straggle  out  on  the 
road  to  Fort  Edward.  When  the  march  began 
the  scattered  column  was  two  or  three  times 
as  long  as  it  ought  to  have  been.  Meanwhile 
a  savage  enemy  was  on  the  alert.  Before  day- 
light the  Abnakis  of  Acadia,  who  hated  the 
British  most  of  all,  had  slunk  off  unseen  to 
prepare  an  ambush  for  the  first  stragglers  they 
could  find.  Other  Indians,  who  had  appeared 
later,  had  begged  for  rum  from  the  British,  and 


had  received  it  in  the  hope  that,  in  this  way, 
they  might  be  got  rid  of.  Suddenly,  a  war- 
whoop  was  raised,  a  wild  rush  on  the  British 
followed,  and  a  savage  massacre  began.  The 
British  column,  long  and  straggling  already, 
broke  up,  and  the  French  escort  could  defend 
only  those  who  kept  together.  At  the  first 
news  Montcalm  ordered  out  another  guard, 
and  himself  rushed  with  all  his  staff  officers 
to  the  scene  of  outrage.  They  ran  every 
risk  to  save  their  prisoners  from  massacre. 
Several  French  officers  and  soldiers  were 
wounded  by  the  savages,  and  all  did  their  best. 
The  Canadians,  on  the  other  hand,  more 
hardened  to  Indian  ways,  simply  looked  on  at 
the  wild  scene.  Most  of  the  British  were 
rescued  and  were  taken  safely  to  Fort  Edward. 
The  French  fired  cannon  from  Fort  William 
Henry  to  guide  fugitives  back.  Those  not 
massacred  at  once  but  made  prisoners  by  the 
Indians  in  the  woods  were  in  nearly  all  cases 
ransomed  by  Vaudreuil,  who  afterwards  sent 
them  to  Halifax  in  a  French  ship. 

Such  was  the  'massacre  of  Fort  William 
Henry,'  about  which  people  took  opposite 
views  at  the  time,  as  they  do  still.  It  is  quite 
clear  that,  in  the  first  instance,  Montcalm  did 
almost  everything  that  any  man  in  his  place 


could  possibly  do  to  protect  his  captives  from 
the  Indians.  It  is  also  clear  that  he  did  every- 
thing possible  during  and  after  the  massacre, 
even  to  risking  his  life  and  the  lives  of  his 
officers  and  men.  He  might,  indeed,  have 
turned  out  all  his  French  regulars  to  guard 
the  captive  column  from  the  first.  But  there 
were  only  2500  of  these  regulars,  not  many 
more  than  the  British,  who  were  armed,  who 
ought  to  have  poured  out  every  drop  of  rum 
the  night  before,  and  who  ought  to  have 
started  only  at  the  proper  time  and  in  proper 
order.  .  There  were  faults  ftn  KTth  titlff,  flit 
there  usually  are.  But,  except  for  not  having 
"the  whole  of  his  regulars  ready  at  the  spot, 
which  did  not  seem  necessary  the  night  before, 
Montcalm  stands  quite  clear  of  all  blame  as  a 
general.  His  efforts  to  stop  the  bloody  work— 
and  they  were  successful  efforts  involving  danger 
to  himself — clear  him  of  all  blame  as  a  man. 

The  number  of  persons  massacred  has  been 
given  by  some  few  British  and  American 
writers  as  amounting  to  1500.  Most  people 
know  now  that  this  is  nonsense.  All  but 
about  a  hundred  of  the  losses  on  the  British 
side  are  accounted  for  otherwise,  under  the 
heading  of  those  who  were  either  killed  in 
battle,  or  died  of  sickness,  or  were  given  up 


at  Fort  Edward,  or  were  sent  back  by  way  of 
Halifax.  It  is  simply  impossible  that  more 
than  a  hundred  were  massacred. 

Still,  a  massacre  is  a  massacre  ;  all  sorts  of 
evil  are  sure  to  come  of  it ;  and  this  one  was  no 
exception  to  the  rule.  It  blackened  unjustly 
the  good  name  of  Montcalm.  It  led  to  an 
intensely  bitter  hate  of  the  British  against  the 
Canadians,  many  of  whom  were  given  no 
quarter  afterwards.  It  caused  the  British  to 
break  the  terms  of  surrender,  which  required 
the  prisoners  not  to  fight  again  for  the  next 
eighteen  months.  Most  of  all,  the  massacre 
hurt  the  Indians,  guilty  and  innocent  alike. 
Many  of  them  took  scalps  from  men  who  had 
smallpox ;  and  so  they  carried  this  dread 
disease  throughout  the  wilderness,  where  it 
killed  fifty  times  as  many  of  their  own  people 
as  they  had  killed  on  the  British  side. 

The  massacre  at  Fort  William  Henry  raises 
the  whole  vexed  question  of  the  rights  of  the 
savages  and  of  their  means  of  defence.  The 
Indians  naturally  wished  to  live  in  their  own 
country  in  their  own  way — as  other  people 
do.  They  did  not  like  the  whites  to  push  them 
aside — who  does  like  being  pushed  aside  ? 
But,  if  they  had  to  choose  between  different 
nations  of  whites,  they  naturally  chose  the  ones 


who  changed  their  country  the  least.  Now, 
the  British  colonists  were  aggressive  and 
numerous,  fjfhey  were  always  taking  more 
and  more  of  the  land  of  the  Indians,  in  one 
way  or  another.  The  French,  on  the  other 
hand,  were  few,  they  wanted  less  of  the  land, 
for  they  were  more  inclined  to  trade  than  to 
farm,  and  in  general  thejLmanaged  to  get  on 
with  the  Indians  better.)  Therefore  most  of 
the  Indians  took  sides  witti  the  French  ;  and 
therefore  most  of  the  scalps  lifted  were  British 
scalps.  The  question  of  the  barbarity  of 
Indian  warfare  remains.  The  Indians  were  in 
fact  living  the  same  sort  of  barbarous  life 
that  the  ancestors  of  the  French  and  British 
had  lived  two  or  three  thousand  years  earlier. 
So  the  Indians  did,  of  course,  just  what  the 
French  and  the  British  would  have  done  at  a 
corresponding  age.  Peoples  take  centuries  to 
grow  into  civilized  nations;  and  it  is  absurd 
to  expect  savages  to  change  more  in  a  hundred 
years  than  Europeans  changed  in  a  thousand. 
We  need  hardly  inquire  which  side  was 
the  more  right  and  which  the  more  wrong  in 
respect  to  these  barbarities.  The  fact  is,  there 
were  plenty  of  rights  and  wrongs  all  round. 
Each  side  excused  itself  and  accused  the  other. 
The  pot  has  always  called  the  kettle  black. 


Both  the  French  and  the  British  made  use  of 
Indians  when  the  savages  themselves  would 
gladly  have  remained  neutral.  In  contrast 
with  the  colonial  levies  the  French  and  British 
regulars,  trained  in  European  discipline,  were 
less  inclined  to  '  act  the  Indian  ' ;  but  both 
did  so  on  occasion.  The  French  regulars  did 
a  little  scalping  on  their  own  account  now  and 
then ;  the  Canadian  regulars  did  more  than 
a  little ;  while  the  Canadian  militiamen, 
roughened  by  their  many  raids,  did  a  great 
deal.  The  first  thing  Wolfe's  regulars  did  at 
Louisbourg  was  to  scalp  an  Indian  chief. 
The  American  rangers  were  scalpers  when  their 
blood  was  up  and  when  nobody  stopped  them. 
They  scalped  under  Wolfe  at  Quebec.  They 
scalped  whites  as  well  as  Indians  at  Baie 
St  Paul,  at  St  Joachim  and  elsewhere.  Even 
Washington  was  a  party  to  such  practices. 
When  sending  in  a  batch  of  Indian  scalps  for 
the  usual  reward  offered  by  Governor  Dinwiddie 
of  Virginia  he  asked  that  an  extra  one  might 
be  paid  for  at  the  usual  rate,  '  although  it  is 
not  an  Indian's.'  It  is  thus  clear  that  the 
barbarities  were  in  effect  a  normal  feature 
of  warfare  in  the  wilderness. 

A  week  after  its  surrender  Fort    William 
Henry  had  been  wiped  off   the  face  of  the 


earth,  as  Oswego  had  been  the  year  before, 
and  Montcalm's  army  had  set  out  homeward 
bound.  But  he  was  sick  at  heart.  Vaudreuil 
had  been  behaving  worse  than  ever.  He  had 
written  and  ordered  Montcalm  to  push  on 
and  take  Fort  Edward  at  once.  Yet,  as  we 
have  seen,  the  Indians  had  melted  away,  the 
Canadians  had  gone  home  for  the  harvest, 
only  3000  regulars  were  left,  and  these  could 
not  be  kept  a  month  longer  in  the  field  for 
lack  of  food.  In  spite  of  this,  Vaudreuil  thought 
Montcalm  ought  to  advance  into  British  terri- 
tory, besiege  a  larger  army  than  his  own,  and 
beat  it  in  spite  of  all  the  British  militia  that 
were  coming  to  its  aid. 

Even  before  leaving  for  the  front  Montcalm 
had  written  to  France  asking  to  be  recalled 
from  Canada.  In  this  letter  to  the  minister 
of  Marine  he  spoke  very  freely.  He  pointed 
out  that  if  Vaudreuil  had  died  in  the  winter 
the  new  governor  would  have  been  Rigaud, 
VaudreuiPs  brother.  What  this  would  have 
meant  every  one  knew  only  too  well ;  for 
Rigaud  was  a  still  bigger  fool  than  Vaudreuil 
himself.  Montcalm  gave  the  Canadians  their 
due.  'What  a  people,  when  called  upon! 
They  have  talent  and  courage  enough,  but 
nobody  has  called  these  qualities  forth.'  In 


fact,  the  wretched  Canadian  was  bullied  and 
also  flattered  by  Vaudreuil,  robbed  by  Bigot, 
bothered  on  his  farm  by  all  kinds  of  foolish 
regulations,  and  then  expected  to  be  a  model 
subject  and  soldier.  How  could  he  be  con- 
sidered a  soldier  when  he  had  never  been 
anything  but  a  mere  raider,  not  properly 
trained,  not  properly  armed,  not  properly 
fed,  and  not  paid  at  all  ? 

While  Montcalm  was  writing  the  truth 
Vaudreuil  was  writing  lie  after  lie  about 
Montcalm,  in  order  to  do  him  all  the  harm 
he  could.  Busy  tell-tales  repeated  and  twisted 
every  impatient  word  Montcalm  spoke,  and 
altogether  Canada  was  at  sixes  and  sevens. 
Vaudreuil,  sitting  comfortably  at  his  desk  and 
eating  three  good  meals  a  day,  had  written  to 
Montcalm  saying  that  there  would  be  no  trouble 
about  provisions  if  Fort  Edward  was  attacked. 
Yet,  at  this  very  time,  he  had  given  orders  that, 
because  of  scarcity,  the  Canadians  at  home 
should  not  have  more  than  a  quarter  of  a 
pound  of  bread  a  day.  Canada  was  drawing 
very  near  a  famine,  though  its  soil  could 
grow  some  of  the  finest  crops  in  the  world. 
But  what  can  any  country  do  under  knaves 
and  fools,  especially  when  it  is  gagged  as  well 
as  robbed  ?  Montcalm's  complaints  did  not 



always  reach  the  minister  of  Marine,  who  was 
the  special  person  in  France  to  look  after 
Canada ;  for  the  minister's  own  right-hand 
man  was  one  of  the  Bigot  gang  and  knew  how 
to  steal  a  letter  as  well  as  a  shipload  of  stores. 
To  outward  view,  and  especially  in  the  eyes 
of  the  British  Americans,  1757  was  a  year  of 
nothing  but  triumph  for  the  French  in  America. 
They  had  made  Louisbourg  safer  than  ever ; 
the  British  fleet  and  army  had  not  even  dared 
to  attack  it.  French  power  had  never  been 
so  widespread.  The  fleurs-de-lis  floated  over 
the  whole  of  the  valleys  of  the  St  Lawrence, 
Ohio,  and  Mississippi,  as  well  as  over  the 
Great  Lakes,  where  these  three  valleys  meet. 
But  this  great  show  of  strength  depended  on 
the  army  of  Montcalm — that  motley  host 
behind  whose  dauntless  front  everything  was 
hollow  and  rotten  to  the  last  degree.  The  time 
was  soon  to  come  when  even  the  bravest  of 
armies  could  no  longer  stand  against  lions  in 
front  and  jackals  behind. 




MONTCALM'S  second  winter  in  Canada  was 
worse  than  his  first.  Vaudreuil,  Bigot,  and 
all  the  men  in  the  upper  circles  of  what  would 
nowadays  be  the  business, .  the  political,  and 
the  official  world,  lived  on  the  fat  of  the  land  ; 
but  the  rest  only  on  what  fragments  were  left. 
In  our  meaning  of  the  word  *  business '  there 
was  in  reality  no  business  at  all.  There  were 
then  no  real  merchants  in  Canada,  no  real 
tradesmen,  no  bankers,  no  shippers,  no  honest 
men  of  affairs  at  all.  Everything  was  done 
by  or  under  the  government,  and  the  govern- 
ment was  controlled  by  or  under  the  Bigot 
gang.  This  gang  stole  a  great  deal  of  what 
was  found  in  Canada,  and  most  of  what  came 
out  from  France  as  well.  In  consequence, 
supplies  became  scarcer  and  scarcer  and  dearer 
and  dearer ;  and  the  worst  of  it  was  that  the 
gang  wished  things  to  be  scarce  and  dear, 



so  that  more  stores  and  money  might  be  sent 
out  from  France  and  stolen  on  arrival.  For 
France,  in  spite  of  all  her  faults  in  governing, 
helped  Canada,  and  helped  her  generously. 
It  seems  too  terrible  for  belief,  but  it  is  true 
that  the  parasites  in  Canada  did  their  best  on 
this  account  to  keep  the  people  half  starved. 
Montcalm  saw  through  the  scheme,  but  com- 
plaint was  almost  useless,  for  many  of  his 
letters  were  stopped  before  they  reached  the 
head  men  in  France.  To  cap  all,  the  wretched 
army  was  no  longer  paid  in  gold,  which  always 
has  its  own  fixed  value,  but  in  paper  bills  which 
had  no  real  money  to  back  them,  as  bank-notes 
have  to-day.  The  result  was  that  this  money 
was  accepted  at  much  less  than  its  face  value, 
and  that  every  officer  who  had  to  support 
himself,  as  he  must  when  not  campaigning, 
fell  into  debt,  Montcalm,  of  course,  more  than 
the  others.  'What  a  country,'  to  repeat  his 
words,  c  where  knaves  grow  rich  and  honest 
men  are  ruined ! ' 

As  the  winter  wore  away  food  grew  scarcer 
— except  for  those  who  belonged  to  the  gang. 
Soldiers  were  allowed  about  a  pound  of  meat 
a  day.  This  would  have  been  luxury  if  the 
meat  had  been  good,  and  if  they  had  had  any- 
thing else  to  eat  with  it.  But  a  pound  of 


bad  beef,  or  of  scraggy  horse-flesh,  or  some- 
times even  of  flabby  salt  cod-fish,  with  a 
quarter  of  a  pound  of  bread,  and  nothing  else 
but  a  little  Indian  corn,  is  not  a  good  ration 
for  an  army.  The  Canadians  were  worse  off 
still.  In  the  spring  the  bread  ration  was 
halved  again,  and  became  only  a  couple  of 
ounces.  Two  thousand  Acadians  had  escaped 
from  the  British  efforts  to  deport  them,  and  had 
reached  the  St  Lawrence  region.  Their  needs 
increased  the  misery,  for  they  could  not  yet 
grow  as  much  as  they  ate,  even  if  they  had 
had  a  fair  chance. 

At  last  the  poor,  patient,  down-trodden 
Canadians  began  to  grumble.  One  day  a 
crowd  of  angry  women  threw  their  horse- 
flesh at  VaudreuiPs  door.  Another  day  even 
the  grenadiers  refused  to  eat  their  rations. 
Then  Montcalm's  second-in-command,  Levis, 
who  ate  horse-flesh  himself,  for  the  sake  of 
example,  told  them  that  Canada  was  now  like 
a  besieged  fortress  and  that  the  garrison  would 
have  to  put  up  with  hardships.  At  once  the 
pride  of  the  soldier  came  out.  Next  day  they 
brought  him  some  roast  horse,  better  cooked 
and  served  than  his  own.  He  gave  each 
grenadier  a  gold  coin  to  drink  the  king's 
health  ;  and  the  trouble  ended. 


The  Canadians  and  Indians  made  two  suc- 
cessful raids.  One  was  against  a  place  near 
Schenectady,  where  they  destroyed  many 
stores  and  provisions.  The  other  ended  in  a 
fight  with  the  British  guerilla  leader  Rogers 
and  his  rangers,  who  were  badly  cut  up  near 
Ticonderoga.  The  Canadians  were  at  their 
best  in  making  raids.  Yet  now  raids  hardly 
counted  any  longer,  for  the  war  had  outgrown 
them.  Larger  and  larger  armies  were  tak- 
ing the  field,  and  these  armies  had  artillery, 
engineers,  and  transport  on  a  greater  scale. 
The  mere  raidef,  or  odd- job  soldier,  though 
always  good  in  his  own  place  and  in  his  own 
kind  of  country,  was  becoming  less  and  less 
important  compared  with  the  regular.  The 
larger  an  army  the  more  the  difference  of 
value  widens  between  regulars  and  militia. 
In  great  wars  men  must  be  trained  to  act 
together  at  any  time,  in  any  place,  and  in  any 
numbers  ;  and  this  is  only  possible  with  those 
all -the-y  ear-round  soldiers  who  are  either 
regulars  already  or  who,  though  militia  to 
start  with,  become  by  practice  the  same  as 

When  Montcalm  looked  forward  to  the 
campaign  of  1758,  he  saw  in  what  a  desperate 
plight  he  was.  The  wild,  unstable  Indians  were 

From  the  painting  in  the  Versailles  Gallery 


the  weakest  element.  Gladly  would  he  have 
done  without  them  altogether.  But  some 
were  always  needed  as  scouts  and  guides ; 
and,  in  any  case,  it  was  a  good  thing  to  employ 
them  so  as  to  keep  them  from  joining  the 
enemy.  The  trouble  was  that  they  were  already 
beginning  to  fail  him.  Some  of  the  ships 
with  goods  for  the  Indians  were  captured  by 
the  British  fleet.  Those  that  arrived  were  in 
as  real  a  sense  captured,  for  they  were  stolen 
by  the  Bigot  gang,  and  did  not  fulfil  the  purpose 
of  holding  the  Indian  allies.  '  If,'  said  Mont- 
calm,  in  one  of  his  despairing  letters  to  the 
minister,  '  if  all  the  presents  that  the  king 
sends  out  to  the  Indians  were  really  given  to 
them,  we  should  have  every  tribe  in  America 
on  our  own  side.' 

The  Canadians  were  robbed  even  more ; 
and  they  and  the  Canadian  regulars  were  set 
against  Montcalm  and  the  French  by  every 
lie  that  Vaudreuil  could  speak  in  Canada  or 
write  to  France.  The  wonder  is,  not  that  the 
French  Canadians  of  those  dreadful  days  did 
badly  now  and  then,  but  that  they  did  so  well 
on  the  whole  ;  that  they  were  so  brave,  so 
loyal,  so  patient,  so  hopeful,  so  true  to  many 
of  the  best  traditions  of  their  race.  One  other 
feature  of  their  system  must  be  noted — the 


influence  of  their  priests.  Protestants  would 
think  them  too  much  under  the  thumb  of  the 
priests.  But,  however  this  may  have  been, 
it  can  be  said  with  truth  that  the  church  and 
the  native  soldiers,  with  all  their  faults,  were 
the  glory  of  Canada,  while  the  government 
was  nothing  but  its  shame.  The  priests  stood 
by  their  people  like  men,  suffered  hardship 
with  them,  and  helped  them  to  face  every 
trial  of  fortune  against  false  friends  and  open 
foes  alike. 

The  mainstay  of  the  defence  of  Canada 
was,  however,  the  disciplined  strength  of  the 
French  regulars.  There  were  eight  battalions, 
belonging  to  seven  regiments  whose  names 
deserve  to  be  held  in  honour  wherever  the 
fight  for  Canada  is  known  :  La  Reine,  Guienne, 
Beam,  Languedoc,  La  Sarre,  Royal  Roussillon 
and  Berry.  Each  battalion  had  about  500 
fighting  men,  making  about  4000  in  all.  About 
2000  more  men  were  sent  out  to  Quebec  to  fill 
up  gaps  at  different  times  ;  so  that,  one  way 
and  another,  at  least  6000  French  soldiers 
reached  Canada  between  1755  and  1759. 
Yet,  when  Levis  laid  down  the  arms  of  France 
in  Canada  for  ever  in  1760,  only  2000  of  all 
these  remained.  About  1000  had  been  taken 
prisoner  on  sea  or  land.  A  few  had  deserted. 


But  almost  3000  had  been  lost  by  sickness  or 
in  battle.  How  many  armies  have  a  record 
of  sacrifices  greater  than  these,  and  against 
foes  behind  as  well  as  in  front  ? 

From  the  very  first  these  gallant  men 
showed  their  mettle.  They  were  not  forced  to 
go  to  Canada.  They  went  willingly.  When 
the  first  four  battalions  went,  the  general  who 
had  to  arrange  their  departure  was  afraid  he 
might  have  trouble  in  filling  the  gaps  by  getting 
men  to  volunteer  from  the  other  battalions 
of  the  same  regiments.  But  no.  He  could 
have  filled  every  gap  ten  times  over.  It  was 
the  same  with  the  officers.  Every  one  was 
eager  to  fight  for  the  honour  of  France  in 
Canada.  One  officer  actually  offered  his  whole 
fortune  to  another,  in  hopes  of  getting  this 
other's  place  for  service  in  Canada.  But  in 
vain.  France  had  parasites  at  court,  plenty 
of  them.  But  the  French  troops  who  went 
out  were  patriots  almost  to  a  man.  The  only 
exception  was  in  the  case  we  have  noticed 
before,  when  400  riff-raff  were  sent  out  to 
take  the  places  of  the  400  good  men  whom 
Boscawen  had  captured  in  the  Gulf  during  the 
summer  of  1755. 

The  year  1758  saw  the  tide  turn  against 
France.  Pitt  was  now  at  the  head  of  the  war 


in  Britain ;  throughout  the  British  Empire 
the  patriots  had  gained  the  upper  hand  over 
the  parasites.  Canada  could  no  longer  attack  ; 
indeed,  she  was  hard  pressed  for  defence. 
Pitt's  plan  was  to  send  one  army  against  the 
west,  a  fleet  and  an  army  against  the  east  at 
Louisbourg,  and  a  third  army  straight  at  the 
centre,  along  the  line  of  Lake  Champlain. 
This  third,  or  central,  army  was  the  one  which 
Montcalm  had  to  meet.  It  was  the  largest 
yet  seen  in  the  New  World.  There  were 
6000  British  regulars  and  9000  American 
militia,  with  plenty  of  guns  and  all  the  other 
arms  and  stores  required.  Its  general,  Aber- 
cromby,  was  its  chief  weakness.  He  was  a 
muddle-headed  man,  whom  Pitt  had  not  yet 
been  able  to  replace  by  a  better.  But  Lord 
Howe,  whom  Wolfe  and  Pitt  both  thought  '  a 
perfect  model  of  military  virtue/  was  second- 
in-command  and  the  real  head.  He  was 
young,  as  full  of  calm  wisdom  as  of  fiery 
courage,  and  the  idol  of  Americans  and  of 
British  regulars  alike. 

This  year  the  campaign  took  place  not  in 
August  but  in  July.  By  the  middle  of  June 
it  was  known  that  Abercromby  was  coming. 
Even  then  Montcalm  and  his  regulars  were 
ready,  but  nothing  else  was.  Every  one  knew 


that  Ticonderoga  was  the  key  to  the  south  of 
Canada  ;  yet  the  fort  was  not  ready,  though  the 
Canadian  engineers  had  been  tinkering  at  it 
for  two  whole  summers.  These  engineers  were, 
in  fact,  friends  of  Bigot,  and  had  found  that 
they  could  make  money  by  spinning  the  work 
out  as  long  as  possible,  charging  for  good 
material  and  putting  in  bad,  and  letting  the 
gang  plunder  the  stores  on  the  way  to  the  fort. 
Montcalm  had  arranged  everything  in  1756, 
and  there  was  no  good  reason  why  Ticonderoga 
should  not  have  been  in  perfect  order  in  1758, 
when  the  fate  of  Canada  was  hanging  on  its 
strength.  But  it  was  not.  It  had  not  even 
been  rightly  planned.  The  engineers  were 
fools  as  well  as  knaves.  When  the  proper 
French  army  engineers  arrived,  having  been 
sent  out  at  the  last  moment,  they  were  horrified 
at  the  mess  that  had  been  made  of  the  work. 
But  it  was  too  late  then.  Montcalm  and  Aber- 
cromby  were  both  advancing  ;  and  Montcalm 
would  have  to  make  up  with  the  lives  of  his 
men  for  all  that  the  knaves  and  fools  had 
done  against  him. 

Bad  as  this  was,  there  was  a  still  worse 
trouble.  Vaudreuil  now  thought  he  saw  a 
chance  for  another  raid  which  would  please 
the  Canadians  and  hurt  Montcalm.  So  he 


actually  took  away  1600  men  in  June  and 
sent  them  off  to  the  Mohawk  valley  farther 
west  under  Levis,  who  ought  to  have  known 
better  than  to  have  allowed  himself  to  be 
flattered  into  taking  command.  This  came 
near  to  wrecking  the  whole  defence.  But  the 
owls  did  not  see,  and  the  foxes  did  not  care. 

Meanwhile,  Montcalm  was  hurrying  his 
little  handful  of  regulars  to  the  front.  He 
was  to  leave  on  June  24.  On  the  night 
of  the  23rd  Vaudreuil  sent  a  long  string  of 
foolish  orders,  worded  in  such  a  way  by  some 
of  his  foxy  parasites  that  the  credit  for  any 
victory  would  come  to  himself,  while  the  blame 
for  any  failure  would  rest  on  Montcalm.  This 
was  more  than  flesh  and  blood  could  endure. 
Once  before  Montcalm  had  tried  to  open 
VaudreuiPs  eyes  to  the  mischief  that  was 
going  on.  Now  he  spoke  out  again,  and 
proved  his  case  so  plainly  that,  for  very  shame, 
Vaudreuil  had  to  change  the  orders.  Mont- 
calm arrived  at  Ticonderoga  with  his  new 
engineers  on  the  3Oth.  Here  he  found  3000 
men  and  one  bad  fort ;  and  the  British  were 
closing  in  with  15,000  men  and  good  artillery. 

The  two  armies  lay  only  the  length  of  Lake 
George  apart,  a  little  over  thirty  miles  ;  in 
positions  the  same  as  last  year,  except  that 


Montcalm  was  now  on  the  defensive  with  less 
than  half  as  many  men,  and  the  British  were 
on  the  offensive  with  more  than  twice  as 
many.  Montcalm's  great  object  was  to  gain 
time.  Every  minute  was  precious.  He  sent 
messenger  after  messenger,  begging  Vaudreuil 
to  hurry  forward  the  Canadians  and  to  call 
back  the  Mohawk  valley  raiding  party  of 
1600  men.  His  3000  harassed  regulars  were 
working  almost  night  and  day.  The  fort  was 
patched  up  until  nothing  more  could  be  done 
without  pulling  it  down  and  building  a  new 
fort;  and  an  entrenched  camp  was  dug  in 
front  of  it.  Meanwhile  Montcalm's  little  army, 
though  engaged  in  all  this  work,  was  actually 
making  such  a  show  of  force  about  the  valley 
between  the  lakes  that  it  checked  the  British, 
who  now  gave  up  their  plan  of  seizing  a 
forward  position  in  the  valley  as  a  cover  for 
the  advance  of  the  main  body  later  on.  Mont- 
calm,  with  3000  toil-worn  soldiers,  had  out- 
generalled  Abercromby  and  Howe  with  15,000 
fresh  ones.  He  had  also  gained  four  priceless 

But  on  July  5  the  British  advanced  in 
force.  It  had  been  a  great  sight  the  year 
before,  when  Montcalm  had  gone  south  along 
Lake  George  with  5000  men ;  but  how  much 


more  magnificent  now,  when  Abercromby 
came  north  with  15,000  men,  all  eager  for  this 
Armageddon  of  the  West.  Perhaps  there  never 
has  been  any  other  occasion  on  which  the  pride 
and  pomp  of  glorious  war  have  been  set  in  a 
scene  of  such  wonderful  peace  and  beauty. 
The  midsummer  day  was  perfectly  calm.  Not 
a  cloud  was  in  the  sky.  The  lovely  lake  shone 
like  a  burnished  mirror.  The  forest -clad 
mountains  never  looked  greener  or  cooler, 
nor  did  their  few  bare  crags  or  pinnacles  ever 
stand  out  more  clearly  against  the  endless 
blue  sky  than  when  those  thousand  boats 
rowed  on  to  what  15,000  men  thought  certain 
victory.  The  procession  of  boats  was  wide 
enough  to  stretch  from  shore  to  shore ;  yet 
it  was  much  longer  than  its  width.  On  each 
side  went  the  Americans,  9000  men  in  blue 
and  buff.  In  the  centre  came  6000  British 
regulars  in  scarlet  and  gold,  among  them  a 
thousand  kilted  Highlanders  of  the  splendid 
'  Black  Watch/  led  by  their  major,  Duncan 
Campbell  of  Inverawe,  whose  weird  had  told 
him  a  year  before  that  he  should  fight  and  fall 
at  a  place  with  what  was  then  to  him  an  un- 
known name — Ticonderoga.  The  larger  boats 
were  in  the  rear,  lashed  together,  two  by  two, 
with  platforms  laid  across  them  for  artillery. 

From  the  painting  in  the  Chateau  de  Ramezay 


And  so  the  brave  array  advanced.  The 
colours  fluttered  gallantly  with  the  motion 
of  the  boats.  The  thousands  of  brilliant 
scarlet  uniforms  showed  gaily  between  the 
masses  of  more  sober  blue.  The  drums  were 
beating,  the  bugles  blowing,  the  bagpipes 
screaming  defiance  to  the  foe  ;  and  every  echo 
in  the  surrounding  hills  was  roused  to  send  its 
own  defiance  back. 

The  British  halted  for  the  night  a  few  miles 
short  of  the  north  end  of  the  lake.  Next  morn- 
ing, the  6th,  they  set  out  again  in  time  to  land 
about  noon  within  four  miles  of  Ticonderoga 
in  a  straight  line.  There  were  two  routes  by 
which  an  army  could  march  from  Lake  George 
to  Lake  Champlain.  The  first,  the  short  way, 
was  to  go  eastward  across  the  four-mile  valley. 
The  second  was  twice  as  far,  north  and  then 
east,  all  the  way  round  through  the  woods. 
Since  the  valley  road  led  to  a  bridge  which 
Montcalm  had  blown  up,  Lord  Howe  went 
round  through  the  woods  with  a  party  of 
rangers  to  see  if  that  way  would  do.  While 
he  was  pushing  ahead  the  French  recon- 
noitring party,  which,  from  under  cover,  had 
been  following  the  British  movements  the 
day  before,  was  trying  to  find  its  own  way 
back  to  Montcalm  through  the  same  woods. 


Its  Indian  guides  had  run  away  in  the  night, 
scared  out  of  their  wits  by  the  size  of  the 
British  army.  It  was  soon  lost  and,  circling 
round,  came  between  Howe  and  Abercromby. 
Suddenly  the  rangers  and  the  French  met  in 
the  dense  forest.  *  Who  goes  there  ?  '  shouted 
a  Frenchman.  '  Friends  ! '  answered  a  British 
soldier  in  perfect  French.  But  the  uniforms 
told  another  tale  and  both  sides  fired.  The 
French  were  soon  overpowered  by  numbers, 
and  the  fifty  or  so  survivors  were  glad  to  scurry 
off  into  the  bush.  But  they  had  dealt  one 
mortal  blow.  Lord  Howe  had  fallen,  and, 
with  him,  the  head  and  heart  of  the  whole 
British  force. 

Abercromby,  a  helpless  leader,  pottered 
about  all  the  next  day,  not  knowing  what 
to  do.  Meanwhile  Montcalm  kept  his  men 
hard  at  work,  and  by  night  he  was  ready  and 
hopeful.  He  had  just  written  to  his  friend 
Doreil,  the  commissary  of  war  at  Quebec :  '  We 
have  only  eight  days'  provisions.  I  have  no 
Canadians  and  no  Indians.  The  British  have 
a  very  strong  army.  But  I  do  not  despair. 
My  soldiers  are  good.  From  the  movements 
of  the  British  I  can  see  they  are  in  doubt.  If 
they  are  slow  enough  to  let  me  entrench  the 
heights  of  Ticonderoga,  I  shall  beat  them.' 


He  had  ended  his  dispatch  to  Vaudreuil  with 
similar  words  :  *  If  they  only  let  me  entrench 
the  heights  I  shall  beat  them/  And  now,  on 
the  night  of  the  7th,  he  actually  was  holding 
the  heights  with  his  3000  French  regulars 
against  the  total  British  force  of  15,000. 
Could  he  win  on  the  8th  ? 

Late  in  the  evening  300  regulars  arrived 
under  an  excellent  officer,  Pouchot.  At  five 
the  next  morning,  the  fateful  July  8,  Levis 
came  in  with  100  more.  These  were  all, 
except  400  Canadians  who  arrived  in  driblets, 
some  while  the  battle  was  actually  going  on. 
Vaudreuil  had  changed  his  mind  again,  and 
had  decided  to  recall  the  Mohawk  valley 
raiders.  But  too  late.  Levis,  Pouchot  and 
the  Canadians  had  managed  to  get  through 
only  after  a  terrible  forced  march,  spurred  on 
by  the  hope  of  reaching  their  beloved  Mont- 
calm  in  time.  The  other  men  from  the  raid, 
and  five  times  as  many  more  from  Canada, 
came  in  afterwards.  But  again  too  late. 

The  odds  in  numbers  were  four  to  one 
against  Montcalm.  Even  in  the  matter  of 
position  he  was  anything  but  safe.  The 
British  could  have  forced  him  out  of  it  by 
taking  10,000  men  through  the  woods  towards 
Crown  Point,  to  cut  off  his  retreat  to  the  north, 



while  leaving  5000  in  front  of  him  to  protect 
their  march  and  harass  his  own  embarkation. 
And  even  if  they  had  chosen  to  attack  him 
where  he  was  they  could  have  used  their  cannon 
with  great  effect  from  Rattlesnake  Hill,  over- 
looking his  left  flank,  only  a  mile  away,  or 
from  the  bush  straight  in  front  of  him,  at  much 
less  than  half  that  distance,  or  from  both  places 
together.  Always  on  the  alert  he  was  ready 
for  anything,  retreat  included,  though  he  pre- 
ferred fighting  where  he  was,  especially  if  the 
British  were  foolish  enough  to  attack  without 
their  guns — the  very  thing  they  seemed  about 
to  do.  After  Howe's  death  they  made  mis- 
takes that  worked  both  ways  against  them. 
They  waited  long  enough  to  let  Montcalm  get 
ready  to  meet  their  infantry  ;  but  not  long 
enough  to  get  their  guns  ready  to  meet  him. 

Now,  too,  blundering  Abercromby  believed 
a  stupid  engineer  who  said  the  trenches  could 
be  rushed  with  the  bayonet — precisely  what 
could  not  be  done.  The  peninsula  of  Ticon- 
deroga  was  strong  towards  Lake  Champlain, 
the  narrows  of  which  it  entirely  commanded. 
But,  against  infantry,  it  was  even  stronger 
towards  the  land,  where  trenches  had  been 
dug.  The  peninsula  was  almost  a  square.  It 
jutted  out  into  the  lake  about  three-quarters 


of  a  mile,  and  its  neck  was  of  nearly  the  same 
width.  Facing  landward,  the  direction  from 
which  the  British  came,  the  left  half  of  the 
peninsula  was  high,  the  right  low.  Montcalm 
entrenched  the  left  half  and  put  his  French 
regulars  there.  He  made  a  small  trench  in 
the  middle  of  the  right  half  for  the  Canadian 
regulars  and  militia,  and  cut  down  the  trees 
everywhere,  all  round.  The  position  of  the 
Canadians  was  not  strong  in  itself  ;  but  if  the 
British  rushed  it  they  would  be  taken  in  flank 
by  the  French  and  in  front  by  the  fort,  which 
was  half  a  mile  in  rear  of  the  trenches  and 
could  fire  in  any  direction  ;  while  if  they  turned 
to  rush  the  French  right,  they  would  have  to 
charge  uphill  with  the  fire  of  the  fort  on  their 

Montcalm's  men  were  already  at  work  at 
five  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  8th  when 
Levis  marched  in ;  and  they  went  on  working 
like  ants  till  the  battle  began,  though  all  day  the 
heat  was  terrific.  Some  of  the  trees  cut  down 
were  piled  up  like  the  wall  of  a  log-cabin,  only 
not  straight  but  zigzag,  like  a  *  snake*  fence, 
so  that  the  enemy  should  be  caught  between 
two  fires  at  every  angle.  This  zigzag  wooden 
wall  was,  of  course,  well  loopholed.  In  front 
of  it  was  its  zigzag  ditch  ;  and  in  front  of  the 


ditch  were  fallen  trees,  with  their  branches 
carefully  trimmed  and  sharpened,  and  pointing 
outwards  against  the  enemy.  To  make  sure 
that  his  men  should  know  their  places  in  battle 
Montcalm  held  a  short  rehearsal.  Then  all 
fell  to  work  again  with  shovel,  pick,  and  axe. 

Presently  five  hundred  British  Indians  under 
Sir  William  Johnson  appeared  on  Rattlesnake 
Hill  and  began  to  amuse  themselves  by  firing 
off  their  muskets,  which,  of  course,  were  per- 
fectly useless  at  a  distance  of  a  mile.  In  the 
meantime  Abercromby  had  drawn  back  his 
men  from  the  woods  and  had  made  up  his 
mind  to  take  the  short  cut  through  the  valley 
and  rebuild  the  bridge  which  Montcalm  had 
destroyed.  This  took  up  the  whole  morning  ; 
and  it  was  not  till  noon  that  the  British  advance 
guard  began  to  drive  in  the  French  outposts. 

A  few  shots  were  heard.  The  outposts 
came  back  to  the  trenches.  French  officers 
on  the  look-out  spied  the  blue  rangers  coming 
towards  the  far  side  of  the  clearings  and 
spreading  out  cautiously  to  right  and  left. 
Then,  in  the  centre,  a  mass  of  moving  red  and 
the  fitful  glitter  of  steel  told  Montcalm  that 
his  supreme  moment  had  come  at  last.  He 
raised  his  hand  above  his  head.  An  officer, 
posted  in  the  rear,  made  a  signal  to  the  fort 


half  a  mile  farther  back.  A  single  cannon 
fired  one  shot ;  and  every  soldier  laid  down 
his  tools  and  took  up  his  musket.  In  five 
minutes  a  line  three-deep  had  been  formed 
behind  the  zigzag  stockade,  which  looked 
almost  like  the  front  half  of  a  square.  The 
face  towards  the  enemy  was  about  five  hundred 
yards  long.  The  left  face  was  about  two 
hundred  yards,  and  the  right,  overlooking  the 
low  ground,  ran  back  quite  three  hundred. 
Levis  had  charge  of  the  right,  Bourlamaque  of 
the  left.  Montcalm  himself  took  the  centre, 
straight  in  the  enemy's  way.  As  he  looked 
round,  for  the  last  time,  and  saw  how  steadily 
that  long,  white,  three-deep,  zigzag  line  was 
standing  at  its  post  of  danger,  with  the  blue 
Royal  Roussillon  in  the  middle,  and  the 
grenadiers  drawn  up  in  handy  bodies  just 
behind,  ready  to  rush  to  the  first  weak  spot, 
he  thrilled  with  the  pride  of  the  soldier  born 
who  has  an  army  fit  to  follow  him. 

All  round  the  far  side  of  the  clearing  the  blue 
rangers  were  running,  stooping,  slinking  for- 
ward, and  increasing  in  numbers  every  second. 
In  a  few  minutes  not  a  stump  near  the  edge  of  the 
bush  but  had  a  muzzle  pointing  out  from  beside 
it.  Soon  not  one  but  four  great,  solid  masses 
of  redcoats  were  showing  through  the  trees, 


less  than  a  quarter  of  a  mile  away.  Presently 
they  all  formed  up  correctly,  and  stood  quite 
still  for  an  anxious  minute  or  two.  Then,  as 
if  each  red  column  was  a  single  being,  with 
heart  and  nerves  of  its  own,  the  whole  four 
stirred  with  that  short,  tense  quiver  which 
runs  through  every  mass  of  men  when  they 
prepare  to  meet  death  face  to  face.  Behind 
the  loopholed  wall  there  was  a  murmur  from 
three  thousand  lips — *  Here  they  come  !  ' — 
and  the  answering  quiver  ran  through  the 
zigzag,  white  ranks  of  the  French.  Mont- 
calm's  officers  immediately  repeated  his  last 
caution :  *  Steady,  boys.  Don't  fire  till  the  red- 
coats reach  the  stakes  and  you  get  the  word ! ' 
At  the  edge  of  the  trees  the  British  officers 
were  also  reminding  their  men  about  the 
orders.  *  Remember :  no  firing  at  all ;  nothing 
but  the  bayonet ;  and  follow  the  officers 
in  ! '  Quick — March !  and  the  four  dense 
columns  came  out  of  the  wood,  drew  clear 
of  it  altogether,  and  advanced  with  steady 
tramp,  their  muskets  at  the  shoulder  and  their 
bayonets  gleaming  with  a  deadly  sheen  under 
the  fierce,  hot,  noonday  sun.  On  they  came, 
four  magnificent  processions,  full  of  the  pride 
of  arms  and  the  firm  hope  of  glorious  victory. 
Three  of  them  were  uniform  masses  of  ordinary 


After  map  by  Lt  Meyer 
of  the  60$Re£iment 

North   End 

Lake  Geoige 


redcoats.  But  the  fourth,  making  straight 
for  Montcalm  himself,  was  half  grenadiers, 
huge  men  with  high-pointed  hats,  and  half 
Highlanders,  with  swinging  kilts  and  dancing 
plumes.  The  march  was  a  short  one  ;  but 
it  seemed  long,  for  at  every  step  the  suspense 
became  greater  and  greater.  At  last  the  lead- 
ing officers  suddenly  waved  their  swords,  the 
bugles  rang  out  the  Charge!  and  then,  as  if 
the  four  eager  columns  had  been  slipped  from 
one  single  leash  together,  they  dashed  at  the 
trees  with  an  exultant  roar  that  echoed  round 
the  hills  like  thunder. 

Montcalm  gripped  his  sword,  and  every 
French  ringer  tightened  on  the  trigger.  His 
colonels  watched  him  eagerly.  Up  went  his 
sword  and  up  went  theirs.  Ready  ! — Present ! 

—Fire!!  and  a  terrific,  double-shotted,  point- 
blank  volley  crashed  out  of  that  zigzag  wall 
and  simply  swept  away  the  heads  of  the  charg- 
ing columns.  But  the  men  in  front  were  no 
sooner  mown  down  than  the  next  behind  them 
swarmed  forward.  Again  the  French  fired, 
again  the  leading  British  fell,  and  again  more 
British  rushed  forward.  The  British  sharp- 
shooters now  spread  out  in  swarms  on  the 
flanks  of  the  columns  and  fired  back,  as  did 
the  first  ranks  of  the  columns  themselves. 


But  they  had  much  the  worse  of  this  kind  of 
fighting.  Again  the  columns  surged  forward, 
broke  up  as  they  reached  the  trees,  and  were 
shot  down  as  they  struggled  madly  among  the 
sharpened  branches. 

Montcalm  had  given  orders  that  each  man 
was  to  fire  for  himself,  whenever  he  could  get 
a  good  shot  at  an  enemy  ;  and  that  the  officers 
were  only  to  look  after  the  powder  and  shot, 
see  that  none  was  wasted,  and  keep  their 
men  steady  in  line.  His  own  work  was  to 
watch  the  whole  fight  and  send  parties  of 
grenadiers  from  his  reserve  to  any  point  where 
the  enemy  seemed  likely  to  break  in.  But  the 
defence  weakened  only  in  a  single  place, 
where  the  regiment  of  Berry,  which  had  a 
good  many  recruits,  wavered  and  began  to 
sway  back  from  its  loopholes.  Its  officers, 
however,  were  among  their  men  in  a  moment, 
and  had  put  them  into  their  places  again  before 
the  grenadiers  whom  Montcalm  sent  running 
down  could  reach  them. 

Again  and  again  the  British  sharpshooters 
repeated  their  fire  ;  again  and  again  the  heads 
of  the  columns  were  renewed  by  the  men 
behind,  as  those  in  front  were  mown  down  by 
the  French.  At  last,  but  slowly,  sullenly,  and 
turning  to  have  shot  after  shot  at  that  stubborn 


defence  of  Montcalm's,  the  redcoats  gave  way 
and  retreated,  leaving  hundreds  of  killed  and 
wounded  behind  them.  Montcalm  was  sure 
now  that  all  was  going  well.  He  had  kept 
several  officers  moving  about  the  line,  and 
their  reports  were  all  of  the  same  kind — l  men 
steady,  firing  well,  no  waste  of  ammunition, 
not  many  killed  and  wounded,  all  able  to  hold 
their  own.*  Here  and  there  a  cartridge  or 
grenade  had  set  the  wooden  walls  alight.  But 
men  were  ready  with  water ;  and  even  when 
the  flames  caught  on  the  side  towards  the 
enemy  there  was  no  lack  of  volunteers  to  jump 
down  and  put  them  out.  The  fort,  half  a  mile 
in  rear  and  overlooking  the  whole  scene,  did 
good  work  with  its  guns.  Once  it  stopped  an 
attack  on  the  extreme  left  by  a  flotilla  of  barges 
which  came  out  of  the  mouth  of  the  river 
running  through  the  four-mile  valley  between 
the  lakes.  Two  barges  were  sent  to  the 
bottom.  Several  others  were  well  peppered 
by  the  French  reserves,  who  ran  down  to  the 
bank  of  the  river ;  and  the  rest  turned  round 
and  rowed  back  as  hard  as  they  could. 

In  all  this  heat  of  action  Vaudreuil  was  not 
forgotten  ;  but  he  would  not  have  felt  flattered 
by  what  the  soldiers  said.  All  knew  how  slow 
he  had  been  about  sending  the  Canadians, 


3000  of  whom  were  already  long  overdue. 
'  Bah  !  '  they  said  during  the  first  lull  in  the 
battle  ;  *  the  governor  has  sold  the  .colony  ; 
but  we  won't  let  him  deliver  the  goods !  God 
save  the  King  and  Montcalm !  ' 

This  first  lull  was  not  for  long.  On  came 
the  four  red  columns  again,  just  as  stubborn 
as  before.  Again  they  charged.  Again  they 
split  up  in  front  as  they  reached  the  fatal  trees. 
Again  they  were  shot  down.  Again  rank  after 
rank  replaced  the  one  that  fell  before  it.  Again 
the  sharpshooters  stood  up  to  that  death-deal- 
ing loopholed  wall.  And  again  the  British 
retired  slowly  and  sullenly,  leaving  behind 
them  four  larger  heaps  of  killed  and  wounded. 

A  strange  mistake  occurred  on  both  sides. 
Whenever  the  French  soldiers  shouted  '  God 
save  the  King  and  Montcalm,'  the  ensigns 
carrying  the  colours  of  the  regiment  of  Guienne 
waved  them  high  in  the  air.  The  flags  were 
almost  white,  and  some  of  the  British  mistook 
them  for  a  sign  of  surrender.  Calling  out 

*  Quarter,  Quarter ! '  the  redcoats  held  their 
muskets  above  their  heads  and  ran  in  towards 
the  wall.     The  French  then  thought  it  was  the 
British  who  wished  to  surrender,  and  called  out 

*  Ground  Arms  !  '     But  Pouchot,   the  officer 
who  had  marched  night  and  day  from  the 


Mohawk  valley  to  join  Montcalm,  seeing  what 
he  thought  a  serious  danger  that  the  British 
would  break  through,  called  out  '  Fire ! '  and 
his  men,  most  of  them  leaning  over  the  top 
of  the  wall,  poured  in  a  volley  that  cut  down 
more  than  a  hundred  of  the  British. 

The  Canadians  in  the  separate  trench  on  the 
low  ground,  at  the  extreme  right,  were  not 
closely  engaged  at  all.  They  and  the  American 
rangers  took  pot-shots  at  each  other  without 
doing  much  harm  on  either  side.  In  the  middle 
of  the  battle  the  Canadians  were  joined  by  250 
of  their  friends,  just  come  in  from  Lake 
Champlain.  But  even  with  this  reinforcement 
they  made  only  a  very  feeble  attack  on  the 
exposed  left  flank  of  the  British  column  nearest 
to  them  on  the  higher  ground,  in  spite  of  the 
fact  that  this  column  was  engaged  in  a  keen 
fight  with  the  French  in  its  front,  and  was 
getting  much  the  worse  of  it.  When  Levis 
sent  two  French  officers  down  to  lead  an  attack 
on  the  British  column  the  Canadian  officers 
joined  it  at  once.  But  the  mass  of  the  men 
hung  back.  They  were  raiders  and  bush- 
fighters.  They  had  no  bayonets.  Above  all, 
they  did  not  intend  to  come  to  close  quarters 
if  they  could  help  it.  Ticonderoga  was  no 
attack  by  men  from  the  British  colonies  and 


no  French-Canadian  defence  and  victory.  It 
was  a  stand-up  fight  between  the  French  and 
the  British  regulars,  who  settled  it  between 
themselves  alone. 

About  five  o'clock  the  two  left  columns  of 
the  British  joined  forces  to  make  a  supreme 
effort.  They  were  led  by  the  Highlanders, 
who  charged  with  the  utmost  fury,  while  the 
two  right  columns  made  an  equally  brave 
attack  elsewhere.  The  front  ranks  were  shot 
down  as  before.  But  the  men  in  rear  rushed 
forward  so  fast — every  fallen  man  seeming  to 
make  ten  more  spring  over  his  body — that 
Montcalm  was  alarmed,  and  himself  pressed 
down  at  the  head  of  his  grenadiers  to  the  point 
where  the  fight  was  hottest.  At  the  same 
time  Levis,  finding  his  own  front  clear  of  the 
old  fourth  column,  brought  over  the  regiment 
of  La  Reine  and  posted  it  in  rear  of  the  men 
who  most  needed  its  support.  These  two  rein- 
forcements turned  the  scale  of  victory,  and 
the  charge  failed. 

Abercromby,  unlike  Montcalm,  never  ex- 
posed himself  on  the  field  at  all.  But,  for  the 
second  time,  he  sent  word  that  the  trenches 
must  be  taken  with  the  bayonet.  The  response 
was  another  attack.  But  the  men  were  tired 
out  by  the  sweltering  heat  and  a  whole  after- 


noon  of  desperate  fighting.  They  advanced, 
fired,  had  their  front  ranks  shot  down  again  ; 
and  once  more  retired  in  sullen  silence.  The 
last  British  attack  had  failed.  Their  sharp- 
shooters and  the  American  rangers  covered 
the  retreat.  Montcalm  had  won  the  day,  the 
most  glorious  that  French  arms  had  seen  in 
the  whole  of  their  long  American  career. 

The  British  had  lost  2000  men,  nearly  all 
regulars.  But  they  still  had  4000  regulars  left, 
more  than  Montcalm's  entire  command  could 
muster  now.  He  went  into  action  with  3500 
French  regulars,  150  Canadian  regulars,  250 
Canadian  militia,  and  15  Indians :  a  total  of 
3915.  At  four  o'clock  250  more  Canadians 
arrived.  But  as  his  loss  was  400  killed  and 
wounded,  nearly  all  French  regulars,  he  had 
not  4000  fit  for  action,  of  all  kinds  together, 
at  any  one  time ;  and  he  ended  the  day  with 
only  3765.  On  the  other  hand,  Abercromby 
still  had  nearly  all  his  9000  militia,  be- 
sides 500  Indians,  who,  though  worthless  in 
the  battle,  were  dangerous  in  the  bush.  Under 
these  conditions  it  would  have  been  sheer 
madness  for  Montcalm  to  have  followed  the 
British  into  their  own  country,  especially  as 
he  lacked  food  almost  more  than  he  lacked 


The  losses  of  the  different  kinds  of  troops 
on  both  sides  show  us  by  whom  most  of  the 
fighting  was  done.  The  Indians  had  no  losses, 
either  from  among  the  15  French  or  the  500 
British.  The  Canadians  and  the  American 
militia  each  lost  about  one  man  in  every 
twenty-seven.  The  French  regulars,  fighting 
behind  entrenchments  ajid  under  a  really  great 
general,  lost  in  proportion  about  three  times 
as  many  as  these  others  did,  or  one  man  in 
every  nine.  The  British  regulars,  fighting  in 
the  open  against  entrenchments  and  under  a 
blundering  commander,  lost  nearly  one  man 
in  every  three. 

Abercromby,  having  been  pig-headed  in  his 
advance,  now  became  chicken-hearted  in  his 
retreat.  He  was  in  no  danger.  Yet  he  ran 
like  a  hare.  Had  it  not  been  for  his  steady 
regulars  and  some  old  hands  among  the 
rangers  his  return  would  have  become  a 
perfect  rout.  Pitt  soon  got  rid  of  him ; 
and  he  retired  into  private  life  with  the 
well-earned  nickname  of  '  Mrs.  Nabby- 

Montcalm  was  a  devout  man.  He  felt 
that  the  issue  of  the  day  had  been  the  result 
of  an  appeal  to  the  God  of  Battles ;  and  he 
set  up  a  cross  on  the  ground  he  had  won, 


with  a  Latin  inscription  that  shows  both  his 
modesty  and  his  scholarship  : 

1  Quid  dux  ?    Quid  miles  ?    Quid  strata  ingentia  ligna  ? 
En  signum  1  En  victor !  Deus  hie,  Deus  ipse,  triumphat ! ' 

'  General,  soldier,  and  ramparts  are  as  naught ! 
Behold  the  conquering  Cross  !  'Tis  God  the  triumph  wrought  I ' 

But  the  glorious  joy  of  victory  did  not  last 
long.  Vaudreuil  claimed  most  of  the  credit 
for  himself  and  the  Canadians.  He  wrote 
lying  dispatches  to  France  and  senseless  orders 
to  Montcalm.  Now  that  reinforcements  were 
worse  than  useless,  because  they  ate  up  the 
food  and  could  not  attack  the  enemy,  he  kept 
on  sending  them  every  day.  Montcalm  was 
stung  to  the  quick  by  the  letters  he  received. 
After  getting  three  foolish  orders  to  march 
into  the  British  colonies  he  wrote  back  sharply  : 
'  I  think  it  very  strange  that  you  find  yourself, 
at  a  distance  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  so 
well  able  to  make  war  in  a  country  you  have 
never  seen !  '  Nor  was  this  all.  Vaudreuil 
had  also  sent  Indians,  of  course  after  the 
need  for  them  had  passed.  They  were  idle 
and  a  perfect  nuisance  to  the  French.  They 
began  stealing  the  hospital  stores  and  all  the 
strong  drink  they  could  lay  hands  on.  Mont- 
calm checked  them  sharply.  Then  they  com- 


plained  to  Vaudreuil,  and  Vaudreuil  reproached 

It  was  the  same  wretched  story  over  and 
over  again  :  the  owls  and  foxes  in  the  rear 
thwarting,  spiting  and  robbing  the  lions  at  the 
front.  Montcalm  was  more  sick  at  heart  than 
ever.  He  saw  that  anything  he  could  say  or 
do  was  of  little  use  ;  and  he  again  asked  to  be 
recalled.  But  he  soon  heard  news  which  made 
him  change  his  mind,  no  matter  what  the  cost 
to  his  feelings.  The  east  and  the  west  had 
both  fallen  into  British  hands.  Louisbourg 
and  the  Ohio  were  taken.  Only  Canada  itself 
remained ;  and,  even  now,  Pitt  was  planning 
to  send  against  it  overpowering  forces  both 
by  sea  and  land.  Montcalm  would  not,  could 
not,  leave  the  ruined  colony  he  had  fought  for 
so  long  against  such  fearful  odds.  In  the 
desperate  hope  of  saving  it  from  impending 
doom,  he  decided  to  stay  to  the  end. 



HAVING  decided  to  stay  in  Canada  Mont- 
calm  did  all  he  could  to  come  to  terms  with 
Vaudreuil,  so  that  the  French  might  meet 
with  a  united  front  the  terrible  dangers  of 
the  next  campaign.  He  spoke  straight  out 
in  a  letter  written  to  Vaudreuil  on  August  2, 
less  than  a  month  after  his  victory  at  Ticon- 
deroga  :  '  I  think  the  real  trouble  lies  with 
the  people  who  compose  your  letters,  and  with 
the  mischief-makers  who  are  trying  to  set 
you  against  me.  You  may  be  sure  that  none 
of  the  things  which  are  being  done  against 
me  will  ever  lessen  my  zeal  for  the  good  of 
the  country  or  my  respect  towards  you,  the 
governor.  Why  not  change  your  secretary's 
style  ?  Why  not  give  me  more  of  your  con- 
fidence ?  I  take  the  liberty  of  saying  that  the 
king's  service  would  gain  by  it,  and  we  should 
no  longer  appear  so  disunited  that  even  the 



British  know  all  about  it.  I  enclose  a  news- 
paper printed  in  New  York  which  mentions  it. 
False  reports  are  made  to  you.  Efforts  are 
made  to  embitter  you  against  me.  I  think 
you  need  not  suspect  my  military  conduct, 
when  I  am  really  doing  all  I  can.  After  my 
three  years  of  command  under  your  orders 
what  need  is  there  for  your  secretary  to  tell 
me  about  the  smallest  trifles  and  give  me  petty 
orders  that  I  should  myself  blush  to  give  to  a 
junior  captain  ?  ' 

When  Montcalm  wrote  this  he  had  not  yet 
heard  the  bad  news  from  Louisbourg  and 
the  Ohio,  and  he  was  still  anxious  to  be  re- 
called to  France.  Vaudreuil,  of  course,  was 
delighted  at  the  prospect  of  getting  rid  of  him : 
'  I  beseech  you/  he  wrote  home  to  France,  *  to 
ask  the  king  to  recall  the  Marquis  of  Montcalm. 
He  desires  it  himself.  The  king  has  confided 
Canada  to  my  own  care,  and  I  cannot  help 
thinking  that  it  would  be  a  very  bad  thing 
for  the  marquis  to  remain  here  any  longer ! ' 
There  spoke  the  owl.  And  here  the  lion,  when 
the  bad  news  came  :  '  I  had  asked  for  my  re- 
call after  Ticonderoga.  But  since  the  affairs 
of  Canada  are  getting  worse,  it  is  my  duty  to 
help  in  setting  them  right  again,  or  at  least  to 
stave  off  ruin  so  long  as  I  can.' 


Vaudreuil  and  Montcalm  met  and  talked 
matters  over.  Even  the  governor  began  to  see 
that  the  end  was  near,  unless  France  should 
send  out  help  in  the  spring  of  1759.  He  was 
so  scared  at  the  idea  of  losing  his  governor- 
ship in  such  an  event  that  he  actually  agreed 
with  Montcalm  to  send  two  honest  and  capable 
men  to  France  to  tell  the  king  and  his  minis- 
ters the  truth.  Two  officers,  Bougainville  and 
Doreil,  were  chosen.  They  sailed  in  November 
with  letters  from  both  Montcalm  and  Vaudreuil. 
Nothing  could  have  been  better  or  truer  than 
the  letters  Vaudreuil  gave  them  to  present 
at  court.  '  Colonel  Bougainville  is,  in  all  re- 
spects, better  fitted  than  anybody  else  to  inform 
you  of  the  state  of  the  colony.  I  have  given 
him  my  orders,  and  you  can  trust  entirely 
in  everything  he  tells  you.'  *  M.  Doreil,  the 
commissary  of  war,  may  be  entirely  trusted. 
Everybody  likes  him  here.'  But,  by  the  same 
ship,  the  same  Vaudreuil  wrote  a  secret  letter 
against  these  officers  and  against  Montcalm. 
'  In  order  to  condescend  to  the  Marquis  of 
Montcalm  and  do  all  I  can  to  keep  on  good 
terms  with  him  I  have  given  letters  to 
Colonel  Bougainville  and  M.  Doreil.  But  I 
must  tell  you  that  they  do  not  really  know 
Canada  well,  and  I  warn  you  that  they  are 


nothing  but  creatures  of  the  Marquis  of 

The  winter  of  1758-59  was  like  the  two 
before  it,  only  very  much  worse.  The  three 
might  be  described,  in  so  many  words,  as  bad, 
worse,  and  worst  of  all.  Doreil  had  seen  the 
stores  and  provisions  of  the  army  plundered 
by  the  Bigot  gang,  the  soldiers  half  starved, 
the  supposed  presents  for  the  Indians  sold  to 
them  at  the  highest  possible  price,  and  the  forts 
badly  built  of  bad  materials  by  bad  engineers, 
who  made  a  Bigot-gang  profit  out  of  their 
work.  A  report  was  also  going  home  from  a 
French  inspector  who  had  been  sent  out  to  see 
why  the  cost  of  government  had  been  rising 
by  leaps  and  bounds.  Things  were  cheap  in 
those  days,  and  money  was  scarce  and  went 
a  long  way.  When  this  was  the  case  the  whole 
public  expense  of  Canada  for  a  year  should 
not  have  been  more  than  one  million  dollars. 
But  in  Montcalm's  first  year  it  had  already 
passed  two  millions.  In  his  second  it  had 
passed  four.  And  now,  in  his  third,  it  was 
getting  very  near  to  eight. 

Where  did  the  money  go  ?  Just  where  all 
public  money  always  goes  when  parasites 
govern  a  country.  The  inspector  found  out 
that  many  items  of  cost  for  supplies  to  the 

QUEBEC  101 

different  posts  had  a  cipher  added  to  them. 
The  officials  told  him  why  :  *  We  have  to  do 
it  because  the  price  of  living  has  gone  up  ten 
times  over.'  But  how  did  such  an  increase 
come  about  ?  The  goods  were  sold  from 
favourite  to  favourite,  each  man  getting  his 
wholly  illegal  profit,  till  the  limit  was  reached 
beyond  which  Bigot  thought  it  would  not  be 
safe  to  go.  By  means  of  false  accounts,  by 
lying  reports  and  by  the  aid  of  accomplices  in 
France  who  stopped  letters  from  Montcalm 
and  other  honest  men,  the  game  went  on  for 
two  years.  Now  it  was  found  out.  But  the 
gang  was  still  too  strong  in  Canada  to  be 
broken  up.  In  France  it  was  growing  weak. 
Another  couple  of  years  and  all  its  members 
would  have  been  turned  out  by  the  home 
government.  They  knew  this ;  and,  seeing 
that  their  end  was  coming  in  one  way  or 
another,  they  thought  a  British  conquest 
could  not  be  much  worse  than  a  French 
prison ;  indeed,  it  might  be  better,  for  a  com- 
plete and  general  ruin  might  destroy  proof  of 
their  own  guilt.  The  lions  would  die  fight- 
ing— and  a  good  thing  too  !  But  the  owls  and 
foxes  might  escape  with  the  spoils.  '  What  a 
country,  where  knaves  grow  rich  and  honest 
men  are  ruined  ! ' 


Montcalm  wrote  home  to  his  family  by  every 
ship.  He  might  not  have  long  to  do  so.  Just 
after  Ticonderoga  he  wrote  to  his  wife : 
'  Thank  God  !  it  is  all  over  now  until  the 
beginning  of  May.  We  shall  have  desperate 
work  in  the  next  campaign.  The  enemy  will 
have  50,000  men  in  the  field,  all  together ; 
and  we,  how  many  ?  I  dare  not  tell  it. 
Adieu,  my  heart,  I  long  for  peace  and  you. 
When  shall  I  see  my  Candiac  again  ?  '  On 
November  21,  1758,  the  last  ship  left  for 
France.  He  wrote  to  his  old  mother,  to  whom 
he  had  always  told  the  story  of  his  wars,  from 
the  time  when,  thirty-one  years  before,  as  a 
stripling  of  fifteen,  he  had  joined  his  father 's 
regiment  in  the  very  year  that  Wolfe  was  born  : 
'  You  will  be  glad  to  hear  from  me  up  to  the 
last  moment  and  know,  for  the  hundredth 
time,  that  I  am  always  thinking  of  you  all  at 
home,  in  spite  of  the  fate  of  New  France  and 
my  duty  with  the  army  and  the  state.  We 
did  our  best  these  last  three  years  ;  and  so, 
God  helping  us,  we  shall  in  1759 — unless  you 
can  make  a  peace  for  us  in  Europe/ 

The  wretched  winter  dragged  on.  The 
French  were  on  half  rations,  the  Canadians 
worse  off  still.  In  January  Montcalm  wrote 
in  his  diary  :  '  terrible  distress  round  Quebec.' 

QUEBEC  103 

Then,  the  same  day :  '  balls,  amusements, 
picnics,  and  tremendous  gambling/  Another 
entry:  'in  spite  of  the  distress  and  impend- 
ing ruin  of  the  colony  pleasure  parties  are 
going  on  the  whole  time.*  He  himself  had 
only  plain  fare — horse-flesh  and  the  soldier's 
half  ration  of  bread — on  his  table.  No  wonder 
the  vampires  hated  him  1 

May  came ;  but  not  a  word  from  France. 
For  eight  whole  months  no  French  ship  had 
been  able  to  cross  the  sea,  to  bring  aid  for  the 
needy  colony.  Day  by  day  the  half-starved 
people  scanned  the  St  Lawrence  for  sight  of 
a  sail.  At  last,  on  the  loth,  they  had  their 
reward.  A  French  ship  arrived  ;  more  ships 
followed,  and  by  the  2oth  there  were  twenty- 
three  in  the  harbour,  all  laden  with  provisions, 
stores,  and  men.  The  help  was  inadequate. 
There  were  only  326  soldiers  for  Montcalm 
on  board,  and  there  were  not  enough  pro- 
visions to  keep  the  soldiers  and  people  on  full 
rations  through  the  summer,  even  with  the 
help  of  what  crops  might  be  harvested  while 
the  farmers  remained  under  arms.  But  Mont- 
calm  made  the  best  of  it :  'a  little  is  precious 
to  those  who  have  nothing.' 

Bougainville  brought  out  plenty  of  pro- 
motions and  honours  for  the  victory  at 


Ticonderoga.  Montcalm  was  made  lieutenant- 
general  of  the  king  in  Canada.  Bougainville 
told  him  his  name  was  known  all  over  France  ; 
'  even  the  children  use  it  in  their  games.' 
Old  Marshal  Belle  Isle,  a  gallant  veteran,  now 
at  the  head  of  the  French  army,  and  a  great 
admirer  of  Montcalm,  had  sent  out  the  king's 
last  orders :  '  No  matter  how  small  the  space 
may  be  that  you  can  retain,  you  must  somehow 
keep  a  foothold  in  America ;  for,  if  we  once 
lose  the  whole  country,  we  shall  never  get 
it  back  again.  The  king  counts  upon  your 
zeal,  your  courage,  and  your  firmness  to  spare 
no  pains  and  no  exertion.  You  must  hold  out 
to  the  very  last,  whatever  happens.  I  have 
answered  for  you  to  the  king.'  Montcalm 
replied :  '  I  shall  do  everything  to  maintain 
a  foothold  in  New  France,  or  die  in  its  de- 
fence ' ;  and  he  kept  his  word. 

There  was  both  joy  and  sorrow  in  the 
news  from  Candiac.  His  eldest  daughter 
was  happily  married.  His  eldest  son  was  no 
less  happily  engaged.  But,  at  the  last  minute, 
Bougainville  had  heard  that  another  daughter 
had  died  suddenly;  he  did  not  know  which 
one.  '  It  must  be  poor  Mirete,'  said  Montcalm, 
'  I  love  her  so  much.'  His  last  letters  home 
show  with  what  a  brave  despair  he  faced  the 

QUEBEC  105 

coming  campaign.  '  Can  we  hope  for  another 
miracle  to  save  us  ?  God's  will  be  done  !  I 
await  news  from  France  with  impatience  and 
dread.  We  had  none  for  eight  months,  and 
who  knows  if  we  shall  have  any  more  this  year. 
How  dearly  I  have  to  pay  for  the  dismal 
privilege  of  figuring  in  the  Gazette.  I  would 
give  up  all  my  honours  to  see  you  again.  But 
the  king  must  be  obeyed.  Adieu,  my  heart,  I 
believe  I  love  you  more  than  ever  1  ' 

Bougainville  had  also  brought  out  the  news 
that  Pitt  was  sending  enormous  forces  to  con- 
quer Canada  for  good  and  all.  One  army  was 
to  attack  the  last  French  posts  on  the  Lakes. 
Another  was  to  come  up  Lake  Champlain  and 
take  Montreal.  A  combined  fleet  and  army, 
under  Saunders  and  Wolfe,  was  to  under- 
take the  most  difficult  task  and  to  besiege 
Quebec.  There  was  no  time  to  lose.  Even 
Vaudreuil  saw  that.  Pouchot  was  left  at 
Niagara  with  1000  men.  De  la  Corne 
had  another  1000  on  the  shores  of  Lake 
Ontario.  Bourlamaque  held  Lake  Champlain 
with  3000.  But  the  key  of  all  Canada 
was  Quebec ;  and  so  every  man  who 
could  be  spared  was  brought  down  to  defend 
it.  Saunders  and  Wolfe  had  27,000  men  of 
all  kinds,  9000  soldiers  and  18,000  sailors, 


mostly  man-of-war's-men.  The  total  number 
which  the  French  could  collect  to  meet  them 
was  17,000.  Of  these  17,000  only  4000  were 
French  regulars.  There  were  over  1000 
Canadian  regulars ;  less  than  2000  sailors, 
very  few  of  whom  were  man-of-war's-men ; 
about  10,000  Canadian  militia,  and  a  few 
hundred  Indians.  The  militia  included  old 
men  and  young  boys,  any  one,  in  fact,  who 
could  fire  off  a  musket.  The  grand  totals, 
all  over  the  seat  of  war,  were  44,000  British 
against  22,000  French. 

Having  done  all  he  could  for  Niagara, 
Ontario,  and  Lake  Champlain,  Montcalm 
hurried  down  to  Quebec  on  May  22.  Vau- 
dreuil  followed  on  the  23rd.  On  the  same 
day  the  advance  guard  of  the  British  fleet 
arrived  at  Bic  on  the  lower  St  Lawrence. 
From  that  time  forward  New  France  was 
sealed  up  as  completely  as  if  it  had  shrunk 
to  a  single  fort.  Nothing  came  in  and  nothing 
went  out.  The  strangling  coils  of  British 
sea-power  were  all  round  it.  But  still  Mont- 
calm  stood  defiantly  at  bay.  '  You  must 
maintain  your  foothold  to  the  very  last.' — 
'  I  shall  do  it  or  die.' 

His  plan  was  to  keep  the  British  at  arm's 
length  as  long  as  possible.  The  passage  known 

QUEBEC  107 

as  the  '  Traverse  '  from  the  north  channel  to 
the  south,  at  the  lower  end  of  the  Island  of 
Orleans,  was  a  good  place  to  begin.  Strong 
batteries  there  might  perhaps  sink  enough  of 
the  fleet  to  block  the  way  for  the  rest.  These 
Montcalm  was  eager  to  build,  but  Vaudreuil 
was  not.  Had  not  VaudreuiPs  Canadian  pilots 
prophesied  that  no  British  fleet  could  possibly 
ascend  the  river  in  safety,  even  without  any 
batteries  to  hinder  it  ?  And  was  not  Vaudreuil 
so  sure  of  this  himself  that  he  had  never  had 
the  Traverse  properly  sounded  at  all  ?  He 
would  allow  no  more  than  a  couple  of  useless 
batteries,  which  the  first  British  men-of-war 
soon  put  to  silence.  The  famous  Captain  Cook, 
who  was  sailing  master  of  a  frigate  on  this 
expedition,  made  the  necessary  soundings  in 
three  days  ;  and  the  fleet  of  forty  warships  and 
a  hundred  transports  went  through  without  a 
scratch.  /• 

VaudreuiPs  second  chance  was  with  seven 
fireships,  which  had  been  fitted  out  by  the 
Bigot  gang  at  ten  times  the  proper  cost  and 
were  commanded  by  a  favoured  braggart 
called  Delouche.  The  night  after  the  British 
fleet  had  arrived  in  the  Orleans  Channel,  and 
when  it  lay  at  anchor  near  the  head  of  the 
island,  the  whole  French  camp  turned  out  to 



watch  what  it  was  hoped  would  be  a  dramatic 
and  effective  attack  on  the  British  ships.  The 
fireships  were  sent  down  with  the  ebb-tide, 
straight  for  the  crowded  British  fleet.  But 
Delouche  lost  his  nerve,  fired  his  ship  too  soon, 
jumped  into  a  boat  and  rowed  away.  Five  of 
the  others  did  the  same.  The  seventh  was  a 
hero,  Dubois  de  la  Milletiere,  who  stuck  to  his 
post,  but  was  burned  to  death  there  in  a  vain 
effort  to  get  among  the  enemy.  Had  the  six 
others  waited  longer  the  whole  of  the  seven 
French  crews  might  have  escaped  together 
and  some  damage  might  have  been  done  to 
the  British.  As  it  was  there  was  nothing  but 
splendid  fireworks  for  both  sides.  The  best 
man  on  the  French  side  was  killed  for  nothing ; 
no  harm  was  done  to  the  British  ;  and  for 
equipping  the  fireships  the  Bigot  gang  put 
another  hundred  thousand  stolen  dollars  into 
their  thievish  pockets.  *  What  a  country, 
where  knaves  grow  rich  and  honest  men  are 
ruined  1  ' 

VaudreuiPs  third  chance  was  to  defend  the 
shore  opposite  Quebec,  Point  Levis,  which 
Montcalm  wished  to  hold  as  long  as  possible. 
If  the  French  held  it  the  British  fleet  could  not 
go  past  Quebec,  between  two  fires,  and  Wolfe 
could  not  bombard  the  town  from  the  opposite 

QUEBEC  109 

heights.  But,  early  in  July,  Vaudreuil  with- 
drew the  French  troops  from  Point  Levis, 
and  Wolfe  at  once  occupied  the  shore  and 
began  to  build  his  batteries.  As  soon  as  the 
British  had  made  themselves  secure  Vaudreuil 
thought  it  time  to  turn  them  out.  But  he  sent 
only  1500  men  ;  and  so  many  of  these  were 
boys  and  youths  at  school  and  college  that 
the  French  troops  dubbed  them  'The  Royal 
Syntax.'  These  precious  1500  went  up  the 
north  shore,  crossed  over  after  dark,  and 
started  to  march,  in  two  separate  columns, 
down  the.  south  shore  towards  Levis.  Pre- 
sently the  first  column  heard  a  noise  in  the 
woods  and  ran  back  to  join  the  second.  But 
the  second,  seeing  what  it  mistook  for  the 
enemy,  fired  into  the  first  and  ran  for  dear  life. 
Then  the  first,  making  a  similar  mistake, 
blazed  into  the  second,  and,  charmed  with  its 
easy  victory,  started  hotfoot  in  pursuit.  After 
shooting  at  each  other  a  little  more,  just  to 
make  sure,  the  two  lost  columns  joined  to- 
gether again  and  beat  a  hasty  retreat. 

With  the  opposite  shore  lost  Montcalm  had 
now  no  means  of  keeping  Wolfe  at  any  distance. 
But  Montcalm  chose  his  position  with  such 
skill,  and  it  was  so  strong  by  nature,  that  it 
might  yet  be  held  till  the  autumn,  if  only  he 


was  allowed  to  defend  it  in  his  own  way. 
His  left  was  protected  by  the  Montmorency 
river,  narrow,  but  deep  and  rapid,  with  only 
two  fords,  one  in  thick  bush,  where  the  British 
regulars  would  have  least  chance,  and  another 
at  the  mouth,  directly  under  the  fire  of  the 
French  left.  His  centre  was  the  six  miles  of 
ground  stretching  towards  Quebec  between  the 
Montmorency  and  the  little  river  St  Charles. 
Here  the  bulk  of  his  army  was  strongly  en- 
trenched, mostly  on  rising  ground,  just  beyond 
the  shore  of  the  great  basin  of  the  St  Lawrence, 
the  wide  oozy  tidal  flats  of  which  the  British 
would  have  to  cross  if  they  tried  to  attack  him 
in  front.  His  right  was  Quebec  itself  and  the 
heights  of  the  north  shore  above. 

Wolfe  pitched  his  camp  on  the  far  side  of 
the  cliffs  near  the  Falls  of  Montmorency  ;  and 
one  day  tried  to  cross  the  upper  fords,  four 
miles  above  the  falls,  to  attack  Montcalm  in 
the  rear.  But  Montcalm  was  ready  for  him 
in  the  bush  and  beat  him  back. 

The  next  British  move  was  against  the  left 
of  Montcalm's  entrenchments.  On  July  31 
Wolfe's  army  was  busy  at  an  early  hour ; 
and  all  along  the  French  front  men-of- 
war  were  under  way  with  their  decks  cleared 
for  action.  At  ten  o'clock,  when  the  tide  was 


high,  two  small  armed  ships  were  run  aground 
opposite  the  French  redoubt  on  the  beach  a 
mile  from  the  falls  ;  and  they,  the  men-of- 
war,  and  Wolfe's  batteries  beyond  the  falls, 
all  began  to  fire  on  the  redoubt  and  the  trenches 
behind  it.  Montcalm  fired  back  so  hard  at  the 
two  armed  ships  that  the  British  had  to  leave 
them.  Then  he  gave  orders  for  his  army  to  be 
ready  to  come  at  a  moment's  notice,  but  to 
keep  away  from  the  threatened  point  for  the 
present.  By  this  means,  and  from  the  fact 
that  his  trenches  had  been  very  cleverly  made 
by  his  own  French  engineers,  he  lost  very  few 
men,  even  though  the  British  kept  up  a  furious 

The  British  kept  cannonading  all  day.  By 
four  o'clock  one  British  brigade  was  trying 
to  land  beside  the  two  stranded  armed  ships, 
and  the  two  other  brigades  were  seen  to  be 
ready  to  join  it  from  their  camp  at  Mont- 
morency.  The  redcoats  had  plenty  of  trouble 
in  landing ;  and  it  was  not  till  six  that  their 
grenadiers,  a  thousand  strong,  were  forming 
up  to  lead  the  attack.  Suddenly  there  was  an 
outburst  of  cheering  from  the  British  sailors. 
The  grenadiers  mistook  this  for  the  commence- 
ment of  the  attack.  They  broke  their  ranks 
and  dashed  madly  at  the  redoubt.  The 


garrison  at  once  left  it  and  ran  back,  up  the 
hill,  into  the  trenches.  The  grenadiers  climbed 
into  it,  pell-mell ;  but,  as  it  was  open  towards 
its  rear,  it  gave  them  no  cover  from  the  terrific 
fire  that  the  French,  on  Montcalm's  signal,  now 
poured  into  them.  Again  they  made  a  mad 
charge,  this  time  straight  at  the  trenches. 
Montcalm  had  called  in  every  man  there  was 
room  for,  and  such  a  storm  of  bullets,  grape- 
shot,  cannon-balls,  and  shells  now  belched 
forth  that  even  British  grenadiers  could  not 
face  it.  A  thunderstorm  burst,  with  a  deluge 
of  rain ;  and,  amid  the  continued  roar  of 
nature's  and  man's  artillery,  half  the  grenadiers 
were  seen  retreating,  while  half  remained  dead 
or  wounded  on  the  field. 

The  two  redcoat  brigades  from  Mont- 
morency  had  now  joined  the  remnant  of  the 
first,  which  had  had  such  a  rough  experience. 
Montcalm  kept  his  men  well  in  hand  to  meet  this 
more  formidable  attack.  But  Wolfe  had  had 
enough.  The  first  brigade  went  back  to  its 
boats.  The  second  and  third  brigades  marched 
back  to  Montmorency  along  the  beach  in 
perfect  order,  the  men  waving  their  hats  in 
defiance  at  the  French,  who  jumped  up  on  top 
of  their  earthworks  and  waved  defiance  back. 
Before  retiring  the  British  set  fire  to  the  two 

QUEBEC  113 

stranded  ships.  The  day  had  been  as  disastrous 
for  Wolfe  as  glorious  for  Montcalm. 

August  was  a  hard  month  for  both  armies. 
Montcalm  had  just  won  his  fourth  victory  over 
the  British  ;  and  he  would  have  saved  Canada 
once  more  if  only  he  could  keep  Wolfe  out 
of  Quebec  till  October.  Wolfe  was  ill,  weak, 
disappointed,  defeated.  But  his  army  was 
at  least  perfectly  safe  from  attack.  With  a 
powerful  fleet  to  aid  him  Wolfe  was  never  in 
any  danger  in  the  positions  he  occupied.  His 
army  was  always  well  provisioned ;  even 
luxuries  could  be  bought  in  the  British  camp. 
The  fleet  patrolled  the  whole  course  of  the 
St  Lawrence ;  convoys  of  provision  ships 
kept  coming  up  throughout  the  siege,  and 
Montcalm  had  no  means  of  stopping  a  single 

Montcalm  could  not  stop  the  ships  ;  but  the 
ships  could  stop  him.  He  was  completely 
cut  off  from  the  rest  of  the  world,  except  from 
the  country  above  Quebec ;  and  now  that 
was  being  menaced  too.  The  St  Lawrence  be- 
tween Quebec  and  Montreal  was  the  only  link 
connecting  the  different  parts  of  New  France, 
and  the  only  way  by  which  Quebec  could  be 
provisioned.  The  course  of  the  campaign 
could  not  have  been  foretold ;  and  Montcalm 



had  to  keep  provisions  in  several  places  along 
the  river  above  Quebec,  in  case  he  had  to 
retreat.  It  would  have  been  foolish  to  put 
all  the  food  into  Quebec,  as  he  would  not  be 
able  to  take  enough  away  with  him,  should 
he  be  obliged  to  leave  for  Montreal  or  perhaps 
for  the  Great  Lakes,  or  even  for  a  last  desperate 
stand  among  the  swamps  of  New  Orleans. 
1  You  must  keep  a  foothold  in  America.' — 
'  I  shall  do  everything  to  keep  it,  or  die.' 
Quebec  was  the  best  of  all  footholds.  But  if 
not  Quebec,  then  some  other  place  not  so 
good :  Montreal ;  an  outpost  on  the  Great 
Lakes ;  a  camp  beyond  the  Mississippi ;  or 
even  one  beside  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

So,  for  every  reason,  Montcalm  was  quite  as 
anxious  about  the  St  Lawrence  above  Quebec 
as  he  was  about  Quebec  itself.  Ever  since 
July  1 8  Admiral  Saunders  had  been  send- 
ing more  and  more  ships  up  the  river,  under 
cover  of  the  fire  from  the  Levis  batteries.  In 
August  things  had  grown  worse  for  Montcalm. 
Admiral  Holmes  commanded  a  strong  squadron 
in  the  river  above  Quebec.  Under  his  convoy 
one  of  Wolfe's  brigades  landed  at  Descham- 
bault,  forty  miles  above  Quebec,  and  burnt  a 
magazine  of  food  and  other  stores.  This  step 
promised  disaster  for  the  French.  Montcalm 

QUEBEC  115 

sent  Bougainville  up  along  the  north  shore 
with  1000  men  to  watch  the  enemy  and  help 
any  of  the  French  posts  there  to  prevent  a 
landing.  Whenever  Saunders  and  Wolfe  sent 
further  forces  in  that  direction  Montcalm  did 
the  same.  He  gave  Bougainville  more  men. 
He  strengthened  both  the  shore  and  floating 
batteries,  and  by  means  of  mounted  messengers 
he  kept  in  almost  hourly  touch  with  what  was 
going  on. 

The  defence  of  the  north  shore  above 
Quebec  was  of  the  last  importance.  The  only 
safe  way  of  feeding  Quebec  was  by  barges 
from  Montreal,  Sorel,  and  Three  Rivers,  which 
came  down  without  any  trouble  to  the  Riche- 
lieu rapids,  a  swift  and  narrow  part  of  the 
St  Lawrence  near  Deschambault,  where  some 
small  but  most  obstructive  French  frigates 
and  the  natural  difficulties  in  the  river  would 
probably  keep  Holmes  from  going  any  higher. 
There  was  further  safety  to  the  French  in  the 
fact  that  Wolfe  could  not  take  his  army  to  this 
point  from  Montmorency  without  being  found 
out  in  good  time  to  let  Montcalm  march  up  to 
meet  him. 

It  was  vital  to  Montcalm  to  keep  the  river 
open.  It  would  never  do  to  be  obliged  to  land 
provisions  above  Deschambault  and  to  cart 


them  down  by  road.  To  begin  with,  there 
were  not  enough  carts  and  horses,  nor  enough 
men  to  be  spared  for  driving  them;  and,  in 
addition,  the  roads  were  bad.  Moreover, 
transport  by  land  was  not  to  be  compared  with 
transport  by  water ;  it  was  easier  to  carry  a 
hundred  tons  by  water  than  one  by  land. 
Accordingly,  Quebec  was  fed  by  way  of  the 
river.  The  French  barges  would  creep  down, 
close  alongshore,  at  night,  and  try  to  get  into 
the  Foulon,  a  cove  less  than  two  miles  above 
Quebec.  Here  they  would  unload  their  cargoes, 
which  were  then  drawn  up  the  hill,  carted 
across  the  Plains  of  Abraham,  and  down  the 
other  side,  over  the  bridge  of  boats,  into  the 
French  camp. 

Montcalm  was  anxious,  but  not  despairing. 
Vaudreuil  was,  indeed,  as  mischievous  as  ever. 
But  now  that  the  two  enemies  were  facing 
each  other,  in  much  the  same  way,  for  weeks 
together,  there  was  less  mischief  for  him  to 
make.  He  made,  however,  as  much  as  he 
could.  Everything  that  happened  in  the 
French  camp  was  likely  to  be  known  next  day 
in  the  British  camp.  Vaudreuil  could  not  keep 
any  news  to  himself.  But  he  tried  to  keep 
news  from  Montcalm.  He  made  plans  behind 
Montcalm's  back.  The  British  had  no  draw- 

QUEBEC  117 

backs  like  this.  News  from  their  camp  which 
reached  the  French  was  always  stale,  because 
the  fleet  was  a  perfect  screen,  and  no  one  on 
the  French  side  could  tell  what  was  going  on 
behind  it. 

One  day  Captain  Vauquelin,  a  French  naval 
officer,  offered  to  board  a  British  man-of-war 
that  was  in  the  way  of  the  provision  boats,  if 
Vaudreuil  would  let  him  take  five  hundred 
men  and  two  frigates,  which  he  would  bring 
down  the  river  in  the  night.  Vauquelin  was  a 
patriot  hero,  who  had  done  well  at  Louisbourg 
the  year  before,  and  who  was  to  do  well  at 
Quebec  the  year  after.  But,  of  course,  he  was 
not  a  member  of  the  Bigot  gang.  So  he  was 
set  aside  in  favour  of  a  parasite,  who  made  a 
hopeless  bungle  of  the  whole  affair. 

The  siege  dragged  on,  and  every  day  seemed 
to  tell  in  favour  of  Montcalm,  in  spite  of  all 
the  hardships  the  French  were  suffering. 
Wolfe  was  pounding  the  city  into  ruins  from 
his  Levis  batteries  ;  but  not  getting  any  nearer 
to  taking  it.  He  was  also  laying  most  of  the 
country  waste.  But  this  was  of  no  use  either, 
unless  the  French  barges  on  the  river  could  be 
stopped  altogether,  and  a  landing  in  force  could 
be  made  on  the  north  shore  close  to  Quebec. 

Wolfe  was  right  to  burn  the  farms  from 


which  the  Canadians  fired  at  his  men.  Armies 
may  always  destroy  whatever  is  used  to  destroy 
them.  But  one  of  his  British  regular  officers 
was  disgracefully  wrong  in  another  matter. 
The  greatest  blackguard  on  either  side,  during 
the  whole  war,  was  Captain  Alexander  Mont- 
gomery of  the  43rd  Regiment,  brother  of  the 
general  who  led  the  American  invasion  of 
Canada  in  1775  and  fell  defeated  before  Quebec. 
Montgomery  had  a  fight  with  the  villagers  of 
St  Joachim,  who  had  very  foolishly  dressed 
up  as  Indians.  No  quarter  was  given  while 
the  fight  lasted,  as  Indians  never  gave  it  them- 
selves. But  some  Canadians  who  surrendered 
were  afterwards  butchered  in  cold  blood,  by 
Montgomery's  own  orders,  and  actually  scalped 
as  well. 

The  siege  went  on  with  move  and  counter- 
move.  Both  sides  knew  that  September  must 
be  the  closing  month  of  the  drama,  and  French 
hopes  rose.  There  was  bad  news  for  them  from 
Lake  Champlain ;  but  it  might  have  been 
much  worse.  Amherst  was  advancing  to- 
wards Montreal  very  slowly.  Bourlamaque,  an 
excellent  French  officer,  was  retreating  before 
him,  but  thought  Montreal  would  be  safe  till 
the  next  year  if  some  French  reinforcements 
could  be  sent  up  from  Quebec.  Only  good 

QUEBEC  119 

troops  would  be  of  any  use,  and  Montcalm  had 
too  few  of  them  already.  But  if  Amherst  took 
Montreal  the  line  of  the  St  Lawrence  would  be 
cut  at  once.  So  Levis  was  sent  off  with  a 
thousand  men,  a  fact  which  Wolfe  knew  the 
very  day  they  left. 

September  came.  The  first  and  second  days 
passed  quietly  enough.  But  on  the  third  the 
whole  scene  of  action  was  suddenly  changed. 
From  this  time  on,  for  the  next  ten  days,  Mont- 
calm  and  his  army  were  desperately  trying  to 
stave  off  the  last  and  fatal  move,  which  ended 
with  one  of  the  great  historic  battles  of  the 


September  13,  1759 

SEPTEMBER  3  looked  like  July  31  over  again. 
One  brigade  of  redcoats  came  in  boats  from 
the  Point  of  Levy  and  rowed  about  in  front 
of  the  left  of  Montcalm's  entrenchments. 
The  two  others  marched  down  the  hill  to  the 
foot  of  the  Falls  of  Montmorency.  But  here, 
instead  of  fording  the  mouth  and  marching 
along  the  beach,  they  entered  boats  and 
joined  the  first  brigade,  which  was  hovering 
in  front  of  the  French  lines.  Meanwhile, 
the  main  squadron  of  the  fleet,  under  Saunders 
himself,  was  closing  in  before  these  same  lines, 
with  decks  cleared  for  action.  Montcalm 
thought  that  this  was  likely  to  be  Wolfe's  last 
move,-  and  he  felt  sure  he  could  beat  him  again. 
But  no  attack  was  made.  As  the  ships  closed 
in  towards  the  shore  the  densely  crowded  boats 
suddenly  turned  and  rowed  off  to  the  Point 


THE  PLAINS  OF  ABRAHAM        121 

of  Levy.    Wolfe  had  broken  camp  without  the 
loss  of  a  single  man. 

Now  began  for  Montcalm  ten  terrible  days 
and  nights.  From  the  time  Wolfe  left  Mont- 
morency  to  the  time  he  stood  upon  the  Plains 
of  Abraham,  Montcalm  had  no  means  what- 
ever of  finding  out  where  the  bulk  of  the  British 
army  was  or  what  it  intended  to  do.  Even 
now,  Vaudreuil  had  not  sense  enough  to  hold 
his  tongue,  and  the  French  plans  and  move- 
ments were  soon  known  to  Wolfe,  especially 
as  the  Canadians  were  beginning  to  desert  in 
large  numbers.  Wolfe,  on  the  other  hand, 
kept  his  own  counsel ;  the  very  few  deserters 
from  the  British  side  knew  little  or  nothing, 
and  the  fleet  became  a  better  screen  than  ever. 
For  thirty  miles,  from  the  Falls  of  Mont- 
morency  up  to  above  Pointe  aux  Trembles, 
the  ships  kept  moving  up  and  down,  threaten- 
ing first  one  part  of  the  north  shore  and  then 
another,  and  screening  the  south  altogether. 
Sometimes  there  were  movements  of  men-of- 
war,  sometimes  of  transports,  sometimes  of 
boats,  sometimes  of  any  two  of  these,  some- 
times of  all  three  together  ;  sometimes  there 
were  redcoats  on  board  one,  or  two,  or  all  three 
kinds  of  craft,  and  sometimes  not.  It  was 
a  dreadful  puzzle  for  Montcalm,  a  puzzle  made 


ten  times  worse  because  all  the  news  of  the 
British  plans  that  could  be  found  out  was  first 
told  to  Vaudreuil. 

Gradually  it  seemed  as  if  Wolfe  was  aiming 
at  a  landing  somewhere  on  the  stretch  of 
thirteen  miles  of  the  north  shore  between 
Cap  Rouge,  nine  miles  above  Quebec,  and 
Pointe  aux  Trembles,  twenty-two  miles  above. 
Camp  gossip,  the  reports  from  Bougainville, 
who  was  still  watching  Holmes  up  the  river, 
and  whatever  other  news  could  be  gathered, 
all  seemed  to  point  the  same  way.  But 
Saunders  was  still  opposite  the  Beauport  en- 
trenchments ;  and  the  British  camps  at  the 
island  of  Orleans,  the  Point  of  Levy,  and  the 
Levis  batteries  still  seemed  to  have  a  good 
many  redcoats.  The  use  of  redcoats,  how- 
ever, made  the  puzzle  harder  than  ever  at 
this  time,  for  Saunders  had  over  2000 
marines,  who  were  dressed  in  red  and  who 
at  a  distance  could  not  be  told  from  Wolfe's 
own  soldiers. 

Perhaps  Wolfe  was  only  making  a  feint  at 
Pointe  aux  Trembles,  and  might,  after  all, 
come  down  against  the  entrenchments  if  he 
saw  that  Montcalm  had  weakened  them. 
Perhaps,  also,  he  might  try  to  land,  not  at 
either  end  of  the  French  line,  but  somewhere 

THE  PLAINS  OF  ABRAHAM        123 

in  the  middle,  between  Cap  Rouge  and  Quebec. 
Nothing  could  be  found  out  definitely.  Cer- 
tainly the  British  were  looking  for  the  weakest 
spot,  wherever  it  was.  So  Montcalm  did  the 
best  he  could  to  defend  nearly  thirty  miles  of 
shoreline  with  the  reduced  army  of  13,000 
men  which  he  now  had.  Sickness,  desertion, 
losses  in  battle,  and  the  reinforcements  for 
Lake  Champlain  had  taken  away  a  good  4000. 
Again  he  reinforced  Bougainville,  and  told 
him  to  watch  more  carefully  than  ever  the 
menaced  thirteen  miles  between  Cap  Rouge 
and  Pointe  aux  Trembles.  He  himself  looked 
after  the  garrison  of  Quebec.  He  made  sure 
that  the  bulk  of  his  army  was  ready  to  defend 
the  Beauport  entrenchments  as  well  as  before, 
and  that  it  was  also  ready  at  a  moment's 
notice  to  march  up  the  river.  He  sent  a  good 
battalion  of  French  regulars  to  guard  the 
heights  between  Quebec  and  Cap  Rouge, 
heights  so  strong  by  nature  that  nobody  else 
seemed  to  think  they  needed  defending  at  all. 
This  French  battalion,  that  of  La  Guienne, 
marched  up  to  their  new  position  on  the  5th, 
and  made  the  nine  miles  between  Quebec  and 
Cap  Rouge  safe  enough  against  any  British 
attack.  There  were  already  posts  and  batteries 
to  cover  all  the  points  where  a  body  of  men 


could  get  up  the  cliffs,  and  the  presence  of  a 
battalion  reduced  to  nothing  the  real  dangers 
in  this  quarter.  By  the  7th  Vaudreuil  had 
decided  that  these  real  dangers  did  not  exist, 
that  Montcalm  was  all  wrong,  especially  about 
the  Plains  of  Abraham,  that  there  could  be  no 
landing  of  the  enemy  between  Quebec  and  Cap 
Rouge,  that  there  was  not  enough  firewood 
there  for  both  the  Guienne  battalion  and  the 
men  at  the  posts  and  batteries,  and  that,  in 
short,  the  French  regulars  must  march  back  to 
the  entrenchments.  So  back  they  came. 

On  the  8th  and  Qth  the  British  vessels 
swarmed  round  Pointe  aux  Trembles.  How 
many  soldiers  there  were  on  board  was  more 
than  Bougainville  could  tell.  He  knew  only 
that  a  great  many  had  been  seen  first  from 
Cap  Rouge,  that  later  a  great  many  had  been 
seen  from  Pointe  aux  Trembles,  and  that  every 
day  bodies  of  soldiers  had  been  landed  and 
taken  on  board  again  at  St  Nicholas,  on  the 
south  shore,  between  the  two  positions  of  Cap 
Rouge  and  Pointe  aux  Trembles.  The  British 
plan  seemed  to  be  to  wear  out  their  enemy. 
Daily  the  odds  against  the  French  grew ;  for 
shiploads  of  redcoats  would  move  up  and  down 
with  the  strong  tide  and  keep  Bougainville's 
wretched,  half-starved  men  tramping  and 

THE  PLAINS  OF  ABRAHAM        125 

scrambling  along  the  rough  ground  of  the 
heights  in  order  to  follow  and  forestall  this 
puzzling  and  persistent  enemy. 

On  the  loth  a  French  officer  near  the  Foulon, 
one  of  the  posts  on  the  heights  between  Quebec 
and  Cap  Rouge,  saw,  through  his  telescope,  that 
six  British  officers  on  the  south  shore  were 
carefully  surveying  the  heights  all  about  him. 
When  he  reported  this  at  once,  Montcalm 
tried  again  to  reinforce  this  point.  He  also 
tried  to  send  a  good  officer  to  command  the 
Foulon  post.  The  officer  stationed  there  was 
Vergor,  one  of  the  Bigot  gang  and  a  great  friend 
of  VaudreuiPs.  Vergor  had  disgraced  himself 
by  giving  up  Fort  Beausejour  in  Acadia  without 
a  fight.  He  was  now  disgracing  himself  again 
by  allowing  fifty  of  the  hundred  men  at  the 
post  to  go  and  work  at  their  farms  in  the 
1  valley  of  the  St  Charles,  provided  that  they 
put  in  an  equal  amount  of  work  on  his  own 
farm  there.  It  was  a  bad  feature  of  the  case 
that  his  utter  worthlessness  was  as  well  known 
to  Wolfe  as  it  was  to  Montcalm. 

On  the  nth  and  I2th  the  movements  of  the 
fleet  became  more  puzzling  than  before.  They 
still  seemed,  however,  to  point  to  a  landing 
somewhere  along  those  much  threatened  thir- 
teen miles  between  Cap  Rouge  and  Pointe 


aux  Trembles,  but,  more  especially,  at  Pointe 
aux  Trembles  itself.  By  this  time  Bougain- 
ville's 2000  men  were  fairly  worn  out  with 
constant  marching  to  and  fro  ;  and  on  the 
evening  of  the  I2th  they  were  for  the  most 
part  too  tired  to  cook  their  suppers.  Bougain- 
ville kept  the  bulk  of  them  for  the  night  near 
St  Augustin,  five  miles  below  Pointe  aux 
Trembles  and  eight  miles  above  Cap  Rouge, 
so  that  he  could  go  to  either  end  of  his  line 
when  he  made  his  inspection  in  the  morning. 
He  knew  that  at  sunset  some  British  vessels 
were  still  off  Pointe  aux  Trembles.  He  knew 
also  that  most  of  the  British  vessels  had  gone 
down  for  the  night  to  St  Nicholas,  on  the  south 
shore,  only  four  miles  nearer  Quebec  than  he 
was  at  St  Augustin.  Bougainville  and  every- 
body else  on  both  sides — except  Wolfe  and 
Montcalm  themselves — thought  the  real  attack 
was  going  to  be  made  close  to  Pointe  aux 
Trembles,  for  news  had  leaked  out  that  this 
was  the  plan  formed  by  the  British  brigadiers 
with  Wolfe's  own  approval. 

Down  the  river,  below  Quebec,  in  his  six 
miles  of  entrenchments  at  Beauport,  Mont- 
calm  was  getting  more  and  more  uneasy  on 
the  fatal  I2th.  Where  was  Wolfe's  army  ? 
The  bulk  of  it,  two  brigades,  was  said  to  be 

THE  PLAINS  OF  ABRAHAM        127 

at  St  Nicholas,  thirteen  miles  above  Quebec, 
facing  the  same  thirteen  miles  that  Bougain- 
ville's worn-out  men  had  been  so  long  defend- 
ing. But  where  was  Wolfe's  third  brigade  ? 
Saunders  remained  opposite  Beauport,  as  usual. 
His  boats  seemed  very  busy  laying  buoys, 
as  if  to  mark  out  good  landing-places  for 
another  attack.  He  had  redcoats  with  him, 
too.  Which  were  they?  Marines?  Soldiers? 
Nobody  could  see.  There  were  more  redcoats 
at  the  island  of  Orleans,  more  at  the  Point  of 
Levy,  more  still  near  the  Levis  batteries. 
Were  these  all  soldiers  or  were  some  of  them 
marines  ?  Why  was  Saunders  beginning  to 
bombard  the  entrenchments  at  Beauport  and 
to  send  boats  along  the  shore  there  after 
dark  ?  Was  this  a  feint  or  not  ?  Why  were 
the  Levis  batteries  thundering  so  furiously 
against  Quebec  ?  Was  it  to  cover  Wolfe's 
crowded  boats  coming  down  to  join  Saunders 
at  Beauport  ? 

Montcalm  was  up  all  night,  keeping  his  men 
ready  for  anything.  That  night  Bougainville 
reported  much  the  same  news  as  for  several 
days  past.  He  expected  to  see  Holmes  and 
Wolfe  back  at  Pointe  aux  Trembles  in  the 
morning.  If  occasion  arose,  he  was,  however, 
ready  to  march  down  to  Cap  Rouge  as  fast  as 


his  tired-out  men  could  go.  His  thirteen  miles 
were  being  well  watched. 

What,  however,  about  the  nine  miles  of 
shore  under  his  guard  between  Cap  Rouge 
and  Quebec?  About  them  Vaudreuil  was  as 
stubborn  as  ever.  They  were  a  line  of  high 
cliffs,  seemingly  impregnable,  and  Vergor  who 
defended  them  was  his  friend.  Surely  this  was 
enough  !  But  Montcalm  saw  what  a  chance 
the  position  offered  to  a  man  of  such  daring 
skill  as  Wolfe.  Again  he  tried  to  have  Vergor 
recalled,  but  in  vain.  Then,  in  the  afternoon 
of  the  1 2th,  he  had  taken  the  bold  but  only 
safe  course  of  ordering  the  Guienne  battalion, 
four  hundred  strong,  to  go  up  at  once  and 
camp  for  the  night  at  the  top  of  the  Foulon, 
near  Vergor.  The  men  had  been  all  ready  to 
march  when  Vaudreuil  found  out  what  they 
were  going  to  do.  It  was  no  order  of  his  !  It 
would  belittle  him  to  let  Montcalm  take  his 
place  !  And,  anyhow,  it  was  all  nonsense  ! 
Raising  his  voice  so  that  the  staff  could  hear 
him,  he  then  said :  *  The  English  haven't 
wings  !  Let  La  Guienne  stay  where  it  is  ! 
I  '11  see  about  that  Foulon  myself  to-morrow 
morning  !  ' 

'  To-morrow  morning '  began  early,  long 
before  Vergor  and  Vaudreuil  were  out  of  bed. 


From  Doughty's  'Siege  of  Quebec' 

THE  PLAINS  OF  ABRAHAM        129 

Of  the  two  Vergor  was  up  first ;  up  first,  and 
with  a  shock,  to  find  redcoats  running  at  his 
tent  with  fixed  bayonets.  He  was  off,  like  a 
flash,  in  his  nightshirt,  and  Wolfe  had  taken 
his  post.  He  ought  to  have  been  on  the  alert 
for  friends  as  well  as  foes  that  early  morning, 
because  all  the  French  posts  had  been  warned 
to  look  out  for  a  provision  convoy  which  was 
Q  expected  down  the  north  shore  and  in  at  the 
Foulon  itself.  But  Vergor  was  asleep  instead, 
and  half  his  men  were  away  at  his  farm.  So 
Vaudreuil  lost  his  chance  to  'see  about  that 
Foulon  himself  '  on  that  '  to-morrow  morning.' 
Saunders  had  been  threatening  the  en- 
trenchments at  Beauport  all  night,  and  before 
daylight  the  Levis  batteries  had  redoubled  their 
fire  against  Quebec.  But  about  five  o'clock 
Montcalm's  quick  ear  caught  the  sound  of  a 
new  cannonade  above  Quebec.  It  came  from 
the  Foulon,  which  was  only  two  miles  and  a 
half  from  the  St  Charles  bridge  of  boats, 
though  the  tableland  of  the  Plains  of  Abraham 
rose  between,  three  hundred  feet  high.  Mont- 
calm's  first  thought  was  for  the  provision 
convoy,  so  badly  needed  in  his  half-starved 
camp.  He  knew  it  was  expected  down  at 
the  Foulon  this  very  night,  and  that  the 
adjacent  Samos  battery  was  to  try  to  protect 

i'ASS.  I 


it  from  the  British  men-of-war  as  it  ran  in. 
But  he  did  not  know  that  it  had  been  stopped 
by  a  British  frigate  above  Pointe  aux  Trembles, 
and  that  Wolfe's  boats  were  taking  its  place 
and  fooling  the  French  sentries,  who  had  been 
ordered  to  pass  it  quietly. 

Yet  he  knew  Wolfe ;  he  knew  Vergor ; 
and  now  the  sound  of  the  cannonade  alarmed 
him.  Setting  spurs  to  his  horse,  he  galloped 
down  from  Beauport  to  the  bridge  of  boats, 
giving  orders  as  he  went  to  turn  out  every 
man  at  once. 

At  the  bridge  he  found  Vaudreuil  writing 
a  letter  to  Bougainville.  If  Vaudreuil  had 
written  nothing  else  in  his  life,  this  single 
letter  would  be  enough  to  condemn  him  for 
ever  at  the  bar  of  history.  the  British 
on  the  Plains  of  Abraham  and  the  fate  of  half  a 
continent  trembling  in  the  scale,  he  prattled 
away  on  his  official  foolscap  as  if  Wolfe  was  at 
the  head  of  only  a  few  naughty  boys  whom 
a  squad  of  police  could  easily  arrest.  'I  have 
set  the  army  in  motion.  I  have  sent  the 
Marquis  of  Montcalm  with  one  hundred 
Canadians  as  a  reinforcement.9 

Montcalm  took  up  with  him  a  good  many 
more  than  the  'one  hundred  men*  whom 
Vaudreuil  ordered  him  to  take,  and  he  sent 

THE  PLAINS  OF  ABRAHAM        131 

to  Bougainville  a  message  very  different  from 
the  one  Vaudreuil  had  written.  What  hero  was 
ever  more  sorely  tried  ?  When  he  caught  sight 
of  the  redcoats  marching  towards  Quebec,  in  full 
view  of  the  place  where  Vaudreuil  was  writing 
that  idiotic  letter,  he  exclaimed,  as  he  well 
might :  *  Ah  !  there  they  are,  where  they  have 
no  right  to  be  ! '  Then,  turning  to  the  officers 
with  him,  he  added :  *  Gentlemen,  this  is  a 
serious  affair.  Let  every  one  take  post  at 
once ! ' 

The  camp  was  already  under  arms.  Mont- 
calm  ordered  up  all  the  French  and  Canadian 
regulars  and  all  the  militia,  except  2000. 
Vaudreuil  at  once  ordered  a  battalion  of 
regulars  and  all  the  militia,  except  2000,  to 
stay  where  they  were.  Montcalm  asked  for 
the  whole  of  the  twenty-five  field  guns  in 
Quebec.  Vaudreuil  gave  him  three. 

Wolfe's  5000  redcoats  were  already  on  the 
Plains  when  Montcalm  galloped  up  to  the 
crest  of  ground  from  which  he  could  see  them, 
only  six  hundred  yards  away.  The  line  was 
very  thin,  only  two-deep,  and  its  right  did 
not  seem  to  have  come  up  yet.  Some  sailors 
were  dragging  up  a  gun,  not  far  from  the 
Foulon.  Perhaps  Wolfe's  landing  was  not 
quite  completed  ? 


Meanwhile  half  the  5000  that  Montcalm 
was  able  to  get  into  action  was  beginning  to 
fire  at  the  redcoats  from  under  cover  and  at 
some  distance.  This  half  was  militia  and 
Indians,  2000  of  the  first  and  500  of  the  second. 
The  flat  and  open  battlefield  that  Wolfe  had 
in  his  front  was  almost  empty.  It  was  there 
that  Montcalm  would  have  to  fight  with  his 
other  2500,  in  eight  small  battalions  of  regulars 
— five  French  and  three  Canadian. 

These  regulars  wasted  no  time,  once  they 
were  clear  of  Vaudreuil,  who  still  thought  some 
of  them  should  stay  down  at  Montmorency. 
They  crossed  the  bridge  of  boats  and  the  valley 
of  the  St  Charles,  mounted  the  Heights  of 
Abraham,  and  formed  up  about  as  far  on  the 
inner  side  of  the  crest  of  ground  as  Wolfe's 
men  were  on  the  outer  side.  Montcalm  called 
his  brigadiers,  colonels,  and  staff  together,  to 
find  out  if  anyone  could  explain  the  move- 
ments of  the  British.  No  one  knew  anything 
certain.  But  most  of  them  thought  that  the 
enemy's  line  was  not  yet  complete,  and  that, 
\/for  this  reason,  as  well  as  because  the  sailors 
/\  were  beginning  to  land  entrenching  tools  and 
artillery,  it  would  be  better  to  attack  at  once. 

Montcalm  agreed.  In  fact,  he  had  no 
choice.  He  was  now  completely  cut  off  from 

THE  PLAINS  OF  ABRAHAM        133 

the  St  Lawrence  above  Quebec.  His  army 
could  not  be  fed  by  land  for  another  week. 
Most  important  of  all,  by  prompt  action  he 
might  get  in  a  blow  before  Wolfe  was  quite 
ready.  There  was  nothing  to  wait  for.  Bou- 
gainville must  have  started  down  the  river 
bank,  as  hard  as  his  tired-out  men  could 
march.  To  wait  for  French  reinforcements 
meant  to  wait  for  British  ones  too,  and  the 
British  would  gain  more  by  reinforcements 
than  the  French.  The  fleet  was  closing  in. 
Boats  crowded  with  marines  and  sailors  were 
rowing  to  the  Foulon,  with  tools  and  guns  for 
a  siege.  Already  a  naval  brigade  was  on  the 

Montcalm  gave  the  signal,  the  eight 
battalions  stepped  off,  reached  the  crest  of 
the  hill,  and  came  in  sight  of  their  opponents. 
Wolfe's  front  was  of  six  battalions  two-deep, 
about  equal  in  numbers  to  Montcalm's  eight 
battalions  six-deep.  The  redcoats  marched 
forward  a  hundred  paces  and  halted.  The 
two  fronts  were  now  a  quarter  of  a  mile  apart. 
Wolfe's  front  represented  the  half  of  his  army. 
Some  of  the  other  half  were  curved  back  to 
protect  the  flanks  against  the  other  half  of 
Montcalm's,  and  some  were  in  reserve,  ready 
for  Bougainville. 


Montcalm  rode  along  his  little  line  for  the 
last  time.  There  stood  the  heroes  of  his  four 
great  victories — Oswego,  Fort  William  Henry, 
Ticonderoga,  Montmorency.  He  knew  that 
at  least  half  of  them  would  follow  wherever 
he  led.  The  three  Canadian  battalions  on  his 
right  and  left  might  not  close  with  an  enemy 
who  had  bayonets  and  knew  how  to  use  them, 
when  they  themselves  had  none.  The  Lan- 
guedoc  battalion  of  Frenchmen  was  also  a 
little  shaky,  because  it  had  been  obliged  to 
take  most  of  the  bad  recruits  sent  out  to  re- 
place the  tried  soldiers  captured  by  the  British 
fleet  in  1755.  But  the  remainder  were  true 
as  steel. 

'  Don't  you  want  a  little  rest  before  you 
begin  ?  '  asked  Montcalm,  as  he  passed  the 
veteran  Royal  Roussillon.  '  No,  no  ;  we  're 
never  tired  before  a  battle ! '  the  men  shouted 
back.  And  so  he  rode  along,  stopping  to  say 
a  word  to  each  battalion  on  the  way.  He  had 
put  on  his  full  uniform  that  morning,  thinking 
a  battle  might  be  fought.  He  wore  the  green, 
gold-embroidered  coat  he  had  worn  at  court 
when  he  presented  his  son  to  the  king  and 
took  leave  of  France  for  ever.  It  was  open 
in  front,  showing  his  polished  cuirass.  The 
Grand  Cross  of  St  Louis  glittered  on  his  breast, 

THE  PLAINS  OF  ABRAHAM        135 

over  as  brave  a  heart  as  any  of  the  Montcalms 
had  shown  during  centuries  in  the  presence 
of  the  foe.  From  head  to  foot  he  looked  the 
hero  that  he  was;  and  he  sat  his  jet-black 
charger  as  if  the  horse  and  man  were  one. 

He  reined  up  beside  the  Languedoc  battalion, 
hoping  to  steady  it  by  leading  it  in  person. 
As  he  did  so  he  saw  that  the  Canadians  and 
Indians  were  pressing  Wolfe's  flanks  more 
closely  from  under  cover  and  that  there  was 
some  confusion  in  the  thin  red  line  itself, 
where  its  skirmishers,  having  been  called  in, 
were  trying  to  find  their  places  in  too  much 
of  a  hurry.  This  was  his  only  chance.  Up 
went  his  sword,  and  the  advance  began,  the 
eight  six-deep  battalions  stepping  off  together 
at  the  slow  march,  with  shouldered  arms. 
'  Long  live  the  King  and  Montcalm ! '  they 
shouted,  as  they  had  shouted  at  Ticonderoga ; 
and  the  ensigns  waved  the  fleurs-de-lis  aloft. 

Half  the  distance  was  covered  in  good 
formation.  But  when  the  three  battalions  of 
Canadian  regulars  came  within  musket-shot 
they  suddenly  began  to  fire  without  orders, 
and  then  dropped  down  flat  to  reload.  This 
threw  out  the  line ;  and  there  was  more 
wavering  when  the  French  saw  that  the 
Canadians,  far  from  regaining  their  places, 


were  running  off  to  the  flanks  to  join  the 
militia  and  Indians  under  cover.  Montcalm 
was  now  left  with  only  his  five  French 
battalions — five  short,  thick  lines,  four  white 
and  one  blue,  against  Wolfe's  long,  six- 
jointed,  thin  red  line.  He  halted  a  moment, 
to  steady  the  men,  and  advanced  again  in  the 
way  that  regulars  at  that  time  fought  each 
other  on  flat  and  open  battlefields :  a  short 
march  of  fifty  paces  or  so,  in  slow  time,  a 
halt  to  fire,  another  advance  and  another  halt 
to  fire,  until  the  foes  came  to  close  quarters, 
when  a  bayonet  charge  gave  the  victory  to 
whichever  side  had  kept  its  formation  the 

A  single  British  gun  was  firing  grape-shot 
straight  into  the  French  left  and  cutting  down 
a  great  many  men.  But  the  thin  red  line 
itself  was  silent ;  silent  as  the  grave  and 
steadfast  as  a  wall.  Presently  the  substitutes 
in  the  Languedoc  battalion  could  not  endure 
the  strain  any  longer.  They  fired  without 
orders  and  could  not  be  stopped.  At  the 
same  time  Montcalm  saw  that  his  five  little 
bodies  of  men  were  drifting  apart.  When 
the  Canadian  regulars  had  moved  off,  they 
had  left  the  French  flanks  quite  open.  In 
consequence,  the  French  battalions  nearest 

THE  PLAINS  OF  ABRAHAM        137 

the  flanks  kept  edging  outwards,  the  ones  on 
the  right  towards  their  own  right  and  the  ones 
on  the  left  towards  their  own  left,  to  prevent 
themselves  from  being  overlapped  by  the  long 
red  line  of  fire  and  steel  when  the  two  fronts 
closed.  But  this  drift  outwards,  while  not 
enough  to  reach  Wolfe's  flanks,  was  quite 
enough  to  make  a  dreadful  gap  in  Montcalm's 
centre.  Thus  the  British,  at  the  final  moment, 
took  the  French  on  both  the  outer  and  both 
the  inner  flanks  as  well  as  straight  in  front. 

The  separating  distance  was  growing  less 
and  less.  A  hundred  paces  now !  Would  that 
grim  line  of  redcoats  never  fire  ?  Seventy- 
five  ! !— Fifty  ! !— Forty  ! ! !— the  glint  of  a 
sword-blade  on  the  British  right ! — the  word 
of  command  to  their  grenadiers  ! — 'Ready! — 

Present! Fire!!!9  Like  six  single  shots 

from  as  many  cannon  the  British  volleys 
crashed  forth,  from  right  to  left,  battalion  by 
battalion,  all  down  that  thin  red  line. 

The  stricken  front  rank  of  the  French  fell 
before  these  double-shotted  volleys  almost  to 
a  man.  When  the  smoke  cleared  off  the 
British  had  come  nearer  still.  They  had 
closed  up  twenty  paces  to  their  front,  reload- 
ing as  they  came.  And  now,  taking  the  six- 
deep  French  in  front  and  flanks,  they  fired  as 


fast  as  they  could,  but  steadily  and  under  per- 
fect control.  The  French,  on  the  other  hand, 
were  firing  wildly,  and  simply  crumbling  away 
before  that  well-aimed  storm  of  lead.  The 
four  white  lines  melted  into  shapeless  masses. 
They  rocked  and  reeled  like  sinking  vessels. 
In  a  vain,  last  effort  to  lead  them  on,  their 
officers  faced  death  and  found  it.  All  three 
brigadiers  and  two  of  the  colonels  went  down. 
Montcalm  was  the  only  one  of  four  French 
generals  still  on  horseback ;  and  he  was 
wounded  while  trying  to  keep  the  Languedoc 
men  in  action. 

Suddenly,  on  the  right,  the  Sarre  and 
Languedoc  battalions  turned  and  ran.  A 
moment  more,  and  Beam  and  Guienne,  in 
the  centre,  had  followed  them.  The  wounded 
Montcalm  rode  alone  among  the  mad  rush 
of  panic-stricken  fugitives.  But  over  towards 
the  St  Lawrence  cliffs  he  saw  the  blue  line  of 
the  Royal  Roussillon  still  fighting  desperately 
against  the  overlapping  redcoats.  He  galloped 
up  to  them.  But,  even  as  he  arrived,  the  whole 
mass  swayed,  turned,  and  broke  in  wild  con- 
fusion. Only  three  officers  remained.  Half 
the  battalion  was  killed  or  wounded.  Nothing 
could  stay  its  flight. 

On  the  top  of  the  crest  of  ground,  where  he 

THE  PLAINS  OF  ABRAHAM        139 

had  formed  his  line  of  attack  only  a  few 
minutes  before,  Montcalm  was  trying  to  rally 
some  men  to  keep  back  the  pursuing  British 
when  he  was  hit  again,  and  this  time  he 
received  a  mortal  wound.  He  reeled  in  the 
saddle,  and  would  have  fallen  had  not  two 
faithful  grenadiers  sprung  to  his  side  and  held 
him  up.  His  splendid  black  charger  seemed 
to  know  what  was  the  matter  with  his  master, 
and  walked  on  gently  at  a  foot's  pace  down  the 
Grande  Allee  and  into  Quebec  by  the  St  Louis 
Gate.  Pursuers  and  pursued  were  now  racing 
for  the  valley  of  the  St  Charles,  and  Quebec 
itself  was,  for  the  moment,  safe. 

Never  was  there  a  greater  rout  than  on  the 
Plains  of  Abraham  at  ten  o'clock  that  morning. 
The  French  and  Canadians  ran  for  the  bridge 
of  boats,  their  only  safety.  But  they  came 
very  close  to  being  cut  off  both  in  front  and 
rear.  Vaudreuil  had  poked  his  nose  out  of  one 
of  the  gates  of  Quebec  when  the  flight  began. 
He  then  galloped  down  to  the  bridge,  telling 
the  Canadians  on  the  Cote  d' Abraham,  which 
was  the  road  from  the  Plains  to  the  St  Charles, 
to  make  a  stand  there.  Having  got  safely  over 
the  bridge  himself,  he  was  actually  having  it 
cut  adrift,  when  some  officers  rushed  up  and 
stopped  this  crowning  act  of  shame.  This 


saved  the  fugitives  in  front  of  the  broken 

Meanwhile  the  flying  troops  were  being  saved 
in  the  rear  by  the  Canadians  at  the  Cote 
d' Abraham  under  a  French  officer  called 
Dumas.  These  Canadians  had  not  done  much 
in  the  battle,  for  various  reasons :  one  was  that 
the  fighting  was  in  the  open,  a  mode  of  war- 
fare in  which  they  had  not  been  trained ;  the 
British,  moreover,  used  bayonets,  of  which 
the  Canadians  themselves  had  none.  But  in 
the  bush  along  the  crest  of  the  cliffs  overlook- 
ing the  valley  they  fought  splendidly.  After 
holding  back  the  pursuit  for  twenty  minutes, 
and  losing  a  quarter  of  their  numbers,  they 
gave  way.  Then  a  few  of  them  made  a  second 
stand  at  a  mill  and  bakery  in  the  valley  itself, 
and  were  killed  or  wounded  to  a  man. 

Montcalm  heard  the  outburst  of  firing  at 
the  Cote  d> Abraham.  But  he  knew  that  all 
was  over  now,  that  Canada  was  lost,  and  with 
it  all  he  had  fought  for  so  nobly,  so  wisely,  and 
so  well.  As  he  rode  through  St  Louis  Gate, 
with  the  two  grenadiers  holding  him  up  in  his 
saddle,  a  terrified  woman  shrieked  out :  '  Oh ! 
look  at  the  marquis,  he  's  killed,  he  's  killed  !  ' 
1  It  is  nothing  at  all,  my  kind  friend/  answered 
Montcalm,  trying  to  sit  up  straight,  '  you  must 

THE  PLAINS  OF  ABRAHAM        141 

not  be  so  much  alarmed  1  *  Five  minutes 
later  the  doctor  told  him  he  had  only  a  few 
hours  to  live.  '  So  much  the  better/  he  re- 
plied ;  *  I  shall  not  see  the  surrender  of  Quebec/ 
On  hearing  that  he  had  such  a  short  time 
before  him  his  first  thought  was  to  leave  no 
possible  duty  undone.  He  told  the  com- 
mandant of  Quebec  that  he  had  no  advice  to 
give  about  the  surrender.  He  told  Vaudreuil's 
messenger  that  there  were  only  three  courses 
for  the  army  to  follow :  to  fight  again,  sur- 
render, or  retreat  towards  Montreal ;  and  that 
he  would  advise  a  retreat.  He  dictated  a  letter 
to  the  British  commander.  It  was  written 
by  his  devoted  secretary,  Marcel,  and  de- 
livered to  Wolfe's  successor,  Townshend  : 

'  Sir,  being  obliged  to  surrender  Quebec  to 
your  arms  I  have  the  honour  to  recommend 
our  sick  and  wounded  to  Your  Excellency's 
kindness,  and  to  ask  you  to  carry  out  the 
exchange  of  prisoners,  as  agreed  upon  be- 
tween His  Most  Christian  Majesty  and  His 
Britannic  Majesty.  I  beg  Your  Excellency 
to  rest  assured  of  the  high  esteem  and  great 
respect  with  which  I  have  the  honour  to  be 
your  most  humble  and  obedient  servant, 



And  then,  his  public  duty  over,  he  sent  a 
message  to  each  member  of  his  family  at 
Candiac,  including  *  poor  Mirete,'  for  not  a 
word  had  come  from  France  since  the  British 
fleet  had  sealed  up  the  St  Lawrence,  and  he 
did  not  yet  know  which  of  his  daughters  had 

Having  remembered  his  family  he  gave  the 
rest  of  his  thoughts  to  his  God  and  to  that  other 
world  he  was  so  soon  to  enter.  All  night  long 
his  lips  were  seen  to  move  in  prayer.  And, 
just  as  the  dreary  dawn  was  breaking,  he 
breathed  his  last. 

'  War  is  the  grave  of  the  Montcalms.' 


MONTCALM  is,  of  course,  a  very  prominent  char- 
acter in  every  history  of  New  France.  Parkman 
(Montcalm  and  Wolfe)  tried  to  be  just,  but  the 
facts  were  not  all  before  him  when  he  wrote. 
The  Abbe*  Casgrain  (Guerre  du  Canada,  1756' 
1760:  Montcalm  et  Levis)  was  unfortunately  too 
prejudiced  in  favour  of  Vaudreuil  and  Ldvis  to 
be  just,  much  less  generous,  towards  Montcalm ; 
but  the  Honourable  Thomas  Chapais's  work  (Le 
Marquis  de  Montcalm,  1712-1759)  based  on  much 
more  nearly  complete  materials,  does  honour  both 
to  Montcalm  and  to  French-Canadian  scholar- 
ship. Captain  Sautai's  monograph  on  Ticonde- 
roga  (Montcalm  au  Combat  de  Carillon)  is  the 
best  military  study  yet  published.  An  elaborate 
bibliography  of  works  connected  with  Montcalm's 
Quebec  campaign  is  to  be  found  in  volume  vi 
of  Doughty's  Siege  of  Quebec.  The  present  work 
seems  to  be  the  only  life  of  Montcalm  written  by 
an  English-speaking  author  with  sufficient  access 
to  original  data,  naval  as  well  as  military. 

See  also  in  this  series :  The  Winning  of  Canada ; 
The  Great  Fortress;  The  Acadian  Exiles. 


Abercromby,  General,  defeated 
by  Montcalm  at  Ticonde- 
roga,  74,  75,  80-94. 

Acadia,  French  colony  of,  14- 

Acadians,  expulsion  of,  29-30, 

49  ;  in  Canada,  69. 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  treaty  of,  9. 
America,  French   position  in, 

14-16;    British   colonies   in, 

17-18,  31. 
Amherst,   General,  advancing 

slowly    towards    Montreal, 


Beam  regiment,  with  Mont- 
calm  in  America,  72,  138. 

Belle  Isle,  Marshal,  his  orders 
to  Montcalm,  104. 

Berry  regiment,  with  Mont- 
calm in  America,  72. 

Bigot,  Fra^ois,  intendant  of 
New  France,  his  reception  of 
Montcalm,  12  ;  his  knavery, 
21-4,  25,  27,  48;  and  his 
gang,  66,  67,  71,  75,  100,  101, 

•  Black  Watch,'  the,  at  Ticon- 
deroga,  78. 

Boscawen,  Admiral,  seizes 
French  ships  in  the  St 
Lawrence,  30. 

Bougainville,  Comte  de,  with 
Montcalm,  40  ;  sent  as  emis- 
sary to  France,  99  ;  reaches 


Quebec  with  provision  ships, 
103 ;  brings  news  from 
Candiac  and  of  Pitt's  plans 
to  Montcalm,  104-5  ;  his  task 
to  guard  shore  above  Quebec 
against  Wolfe,  115,  122,  123, 
124,  126,  127;  Vaudreuil's 
letter  to,  130-1. 

Bourlamaque,  Colonel,  with 
Montcalm  at  Ticonderoga, 
52,  85 ;  at  Lake  Champlain, 
105 ;  retreats  before  Amherst 
to  Montreal,  118. 

Braddock,  General,  defeated 
and  killed  in  the  Ohio  valley, 

Campbell,  Duncan,  major  of 
Black  Watch  regiment,  at 
Ticonderoga,  78. 

Canada,  French  position  in,  14- 
15;  in  1756,  26-7;  in  1757, 
66-9 ;  in  1758-9,  100-1,  102-3. 

Cook,  Captain,  with  Wolfe  at 
Quebec,  107. 

Crusades,  the,  Montcalm's  an- 
cestors famous  in,  1-2. 

Delouche,  fails  in  attempt  to 
fire  British  ships  in  the  St 
Lawrence,  107-8. 

Deschambault,  French  disaster 
at,  114. 

Dieskau,    Baron,   defeated  at 


Lake    George    and    taken 

prisoner,  10,  29. 
Doreil,  commissary  of  war  at 

Quebec,    Montcalm's    letter 

to,  80;  sent  as  emissary  to 

France,  99;  and  the  Bigot 

gang,  100. 
Dubois  de   la   Milletiere,    his 

heroism  at  siege  of  Quebec, 

Dumas,    Montcalm's   teacher, 

Dumas,    Captain,    his    stand 

with  Canadians  at  the  Cote 

d'  Abraham,  140. 

Fort  Edward,  53,  57. 

Fort  Frontenac,  Montcalm 
with  his  army  at,  32-3. 

Fort  George,  surrenders  to 
Montcalm,  35. 

Fort  Ontario,  surrenders  to 
Montcalm,  35. 

Fort  Oswego,  Montcalm's 
operations  against  and  its 
surrender,  35-7. 

Fort  William  Henry,  Rigaud's 
raid  against,  45-8;  its  sur- 
render to  Montcalm,  52,  55-7 ; 
Indian  massacre  of  British  at, 

Foulon,  the,  French  cargoes  of 
provisions  for  Quebec  un- 
loaded at,  116  ;  Wolfe  makes 

•  his  ascent  of  the  Heights  by, 

France,  does  honour  to  Mont- 
calm's memory,  3 ;  and  war 
with  Great  Britain,  10;  two 
reasons  for  her  failure  in 
America,  18-21 ;  her  position 
in  America  in  1757,  66 ;  her 
generosity  to  New  France, 
68;  her  soldiers  eager  for 

service     in     New    France, 

Great  Britain,  and  war  with 
France,  10;  her  sea-power 
gives  her  an  advantage  over 
France  in  America,  18-20, 30 ; 
her  colonies  in  America,  29- 
30,  3L 

Guienne  regiment,  with  Mont- 
calm in  America,  72,  123, 

Holmes,  Admiral,  in  siege  of 

Quebec,  114,  127. 
Howe,  Lord,  with  Abercromby 

in  America,  74,  77  ;  killed  at 

Ticonderoga,  79-80. 

Indians,  barbarity  of,  61-2. 

Johnson,  Sir  William,  at  Ticon- 
deroga, 84. 

La  Come,  Colonel  de,  on  Lake 

Ontario,  105. 
Lake  Champlain,  an  important 

French  position,  15. 
Lake  George,  militia  massacred 

by  Indians  at,  53-4. 
Languedoc     regiment,      with 

Montcalm   in  America,   72, 

I34»  138. 

Levis,  Chevalier  de,  at  Ticon- 
deroga, 31-2 ;  with  Montcalm 
at  Fort  William  Henry,  54-5 ; 
his  example  to  his  men,  69; 
is  persuaded  by  Vaudreuil  to 
take  command  at  Mohawk 
valley,  76;  with  Montcalm 
at  defence  of  Ticonderoga, 
81,  83,  85,  91,  92;  sent  to 
defend  Montreal,  119;  at  the 
Cession,  72. 

Louisbourg,  and   the    French 



position  in  America,  14,  15, 

17  ;  taken  by  the  British,  96. 

Louisiana,   French  colony  of, 

Marcel,  Sergeant,  made  a  cap- 
tain after  Oswego,  40;  as 
secretary  to  Mont  calm  at  the 
siege  of  Quebec,  141. 

Mercer,  Colonel,  British  com- 
mander, killed  at  Fort  Os- 
wego, 35-6. 

Monro,  Colonel,  commander  at 
Fort  William  Henry,  52; 
surrenders,  55-7. 

Montcalm,  Marquis  de,  his  an- 
cestry, parentage,  and  birth, 
1-4  ;  schooldays  and  studies, 
4-7  ;  letter  to  his  father  regard- 
ing his  aims  in  life,  5-6  ;  as 
an  ensign  in  war  with  Ger- 
many, 6-7  ;  succeeds  his  father 
and  marries,  7  ;  made  briga- 
dier-general in  War  of  the 
Austrian  Succession,  8-9  ; 
appointed  to  command  of 
troops  in  North  America  as 
major-general,  10-11  ;  his  de- 
parture for  New  France,  n- 
12  ;  his  reception  at  Quebec 
and  Montreal,  12-13;  his 
troubles  with  Vaudreuil  and 
Bigot,  24-6,  27,  32,  44-5,  48  ; 
his  troops  in  America,  26,  72  ; 
victorious  at  Oswego,  31-7  ; 
his  relations  with  the  Indians, 
37»  51*  55  J  becomes  famous, 
38-40  ;  his  opinion  of  Canadian 
militia,  42;  his  criticism  of 
the  intendant  Bigot,  44,  49, 
102-3;  his  objection  to 
Rigaud's  raid  on  Fort  William 
Henry,  45-6;  too  wise  and 
honest  for  Vaudreuil  and 


48 ;  captures  Fort 
wm.  Henry,  52-7;  tries 
to  prevent  the  Indian  mass- 
acre of  the  British  after  sur- 
render, 57-60;  so  disgusted 
with  Vaudreuil's  duplicity 
that  he  wishes  to  be  recalled!, 
64-5 ;  his  high  opinion  of  the 
Canadians,  64 ;  his  letter  on 
the  king's  presents  to  the 
Indians,  71;  his  criticism 
of  Vaudreuil's  foolish  plans 
and  orders,  76,  77,  95-6 ;  his 
victory  over  Abercromby  at 
Ticonderoga,  76-7,  80-96 ; 
again  asks  to  be  recalled,  but 
decides  to  remain  on  hearing 
of  French  disasters  at  Louis- 
bourg  and  Ohio,  96-8;  his 
plain  speaking  frightens  Vau- 
dreuil, 97-9 ;  his  last  letters 
home,  102, 104-5  »  made  a  lieu- 
tenant-general, 104 ;  learns 
of  Pitt's  plans,  105;  his 
force  at  Quebec,  105-6 ;  pre- 
vented by  Vaudreuil  from 
building  batteries  at  the 
Traverse,  107;  forced  to 
abandon  Point  Levis  by  Vau- 
dreuil, 109 ;  his  strong  posi- 
tion at  Quebec,  109-10 ;  is 
twice  victorious  over  Wolfe, 
110-13;  his  alternative  if 
defeated  at  Quebec,  113-14 ; 
his  task  to  keep  the  St 
Lawrence  open  above  Quebec 
to  ensure  provisions  reach- 
ing him,  115-16;  his  uncer- 
tainty as  to  Wolfe's  intentions, 
121-3 ;  wishes  to  reinforce  the 
guard  above  the  Foulon  but 
is  prevented  by  Vaudreuil, 
123-4,  128;  Battle  of  the 
tins,  129-40;  his  end,  140-2. 


Montgomery,  Captain  Alex- 
ander, his  disgraceful  conduct 
at  siege  of  Quebec,  118. 

Montreal,  a  great  meeting  of 
French  and  Indians  in,  49-51. 

National  Assembly  of  France, 

its    tribute    in     honour    of 

Montcalm,  2-3. 
New  France,  French  colony  of, 

14-15;    a    comparison   with 

New  England,  21. 

Ohio  valley,  the  Seven  Years' 
War  first  breaks  out  in,  17 ; 
taken  by  the  British,  96. 

Oswego  river,  surrender  of 
forts  at,  33-7. 

Pitt,  William,  his  plan  of  attack 
in  America,  73-4,  96,  105. 

Point  Baptism,  an  old  custom 
at,  32. 

Point  Levis,  abandoned  by  the 
French  and  occupied  by 
Wolfe,  109,  117,  129. 

Pointe  aux  Trembles,  and  the 
siege  of  Quebec,  124,  126. 

Pouchot,  Colonel,  with  Mont- 
calm  at  Ticonderoga,  81,  90  ; 
at  Niagara,  105. 

Quebec,  and  the  French  posi- 
tion in  America,  14,  15,  17, 
105 ;  siege  of,  106-41. 

Rigaud,  Vaudreuii's  brother, 
fails  in  attempt  to  take  Fort 
William  Henry,  45-8,  64. 

Rogers,  guerilla  leader,  de- 
feated near  Ticonderoga,  70. 

Royal  Roussillon  regiment, 
with  Montcalm,  72,  85,  134, 

'Royal  Syntax,*  the,  and  the 

attempt     to     retake     Point 

Levis,  109. 
Sackett's  Harbour,  Montcalm 

with  his  army  at,  33. 
St  Joachim,  Canadians  butch- 

ered at  in  siege  of  Quebec, 

Saunders,  Admiral,  with  Wolfe 

in  siege  of  Quebec,  105,  114, 

122,  127,  129. 
Scalping,  French  and  British 

guilty  of,  63. 

raid  on,  70. 
Seven  Years'  War,  the,  30. 

Talon  du  Boulay,  Ange"lique, 
wife  of  Montcalm  and  a 
relative  of  Jean  Talon,  7. 

Ticonderoga,  38;  building  of 
fort  at,  75;  British  under 
Abercromby  defeated  by 
Montcalm  at,  77-94. 

Townshend,  General,  with 
Wolfe  at  Quebec,  141. 

Vaudreuil,  governor  of  New 
France,  meets  Montcalm, 
13;  his  vanity  and  incom- 
petence, 23-4,  25-6,  27  ;  takes 
the  credit  of  Montcalm's 
victory  at  Oswego,  AO-I  ; 
against  Montcalm's  advice 
organizes  raid  against  Fort 
William  Henry,  which  fails, 
45-6,  48;  Indian  preference 
for  Montcalm,  51;  tries  to 
harm  Montcalm  with  authori- 
ties in  France,  65;  sends 
LeVis  on  raid  to  Mohawk 
valley  to  spite  Montcalm, 
75-6;  the  soldiers'  opinion 
of,  89-90;  his  foolish  orders 



to  Montcalm,  95-6;  an  ex- 
ample of  his  double  deal- 
ing* 97-ioo;  is  anxious  to 
have  Montcalm  recalled,  98- 
100  ;  frustrates  Montcalm  in 
his  plans  for  the  defence  of 
Quebec,  106-9 »  an  inveterate 
gossip,  116-17,  121 ;  counter- 
mands Montcalm's  order  to 
strengthen  the  guard  at  the 
Heights,  124,  128 ;  his  idiotic 
letter,  130-1  ;  his  cowardice 
after  the  Battle  of  the  Plains, 

Vauquelin,  Captain,   his  offer 

to  Vaudreuil  at  the  siege  of 

Quebec,  117. 
Vergor,    commander    of    the 

guard  at   the  Foulon,   125, 

128 ;   surprised   at  his  post 

and  bolts  in  his  nightshirt, 


War  of  the  Austrian  Succes- 
sion, Montcalm  in,  8-9. 

Washington,  George,  defeated 
by  the  French  in  Ohio  valley, 
28-9  ;  his  recognition  of  scalp- 
ing". 63. 

Webb,  General,  36;  commander 
at  Fort  Edward,  53,  56. 

Wolfe,  General,  and  Mont- 
calm, 6,  8,  12;  his  force 
at  Quebec,  105-6;  occupies 
Point  Levis,  109 ;  repulsed 
at  Montmorency  fords,  no; 
and  at  Beaufort,  110-13;  his 
fleet  gives  him  an  advantage 
over  Montcalm,  113;  breaks 
camp  at  Montmorency  with- 
out loss,  1 20- 1 ;  his  puzzling 
movements,  121-7 ;  his  ascent 
of  the  Heights,  129,  130; 
Battle  of  the  Plains,  131-42. 

Wolfe's  Cove.    See  Foulon. 

Printed  by  T.  and  A.  Constable,  Printers  to  His  Majesty 
at  the  Edinburgh  University  Press 

BINDING  SECT.  JUL  2  9  »66 

F  Wood,  William  Charles  Henry 

5065  The  passing  of  New  France